Preface to the “Plebeians”
“The plebeians who would be the kings” copyright No.: L(28065)/2007.
ISBN NO.:ISBN-13
978-81-909061-0-4
A Preface being an introduction to a book, gives an outline to the material, there-in and if that is so, then what I have called as Book I, is the proper Preface of my book, which however is very lengthy, so this piece is being added.
I have very romantically called this book or the explorations, there-in as something that I was destined to do, or was born for doing so. Someone reading my lines on the palm may declare so. But after seeing the mediocre outcome of the so-called a work of the destiny, does’nt impress even me. I would ,much rather, say that it has been a matter of chance that I was born in the 1st House of Katehar, about which, by now, every one had quite forgotten, through unceasing rigorous work of agriculture, through generations of a mean and miserly(saving stock of grain for three years against likely poor harvest, in dry-land farming) livelihood. And as the things were destined to happen , I lost my father at a very young age and was taken away to live in Nainital in suddenly an awesome comfort of good life. I turned from a topper to a mediocre second class student , but as destined, I got into the merchant-marine and went around the world many times over. I had the good sense of sending half the money home and called it a day at sea, owing to overwhelming sentiments for father and also for the mother-land, for reasons explained in the text akin to the Preface, and may be unduly so and in a fit of anguish, the way things were going.
However, even before things happened that made me talk of destiny, as if I was the chosen one to redeem the “Raghuvanshies of Katehar”, as if they would have perished otherwise, line, hook and sinker .I doubt any one is ever so thrilled among the country-cousins of Katehar, let alone those of Dobhi, who are insisting on a combined history of the two, notwithstanding the pargana of Sultanipur between the two of them and poles apart in the history and geography of the region I fear it may be berated amongst even amongst the closest of the cousins (simply for having done it). Another certainty is that only one copy would suffice for the entire village, which should come along unpaid for. So specially for the villages with the tag of the 1st house I am keeping something up my sleeve, that every one must buy at least the second edition or the Hindi version, which I intend calling; ”Katehar ke Raghuvanshi,ekal Hindu Samrat ,1194AD to 1793AD’ for the following reason,found in a book given to me by Rao Barauli.I quote:
Page(134)
Hindu Kings
The city was founded some three thousand years back .A detailed history of Kashi in chronological order is not traceable Only inscriptions on stone pillars and the existence of old temples and copper plates give us some rudimentary ideas about the line of kings that ruled Banaras .The city was under the sway of the kings of Kanauj for a considerable time. After the defeat of Raja Jai Chandra by the mussalman invaders one branch of the family fled eastward and set up and independent state. For many years the Gaharwar princes ruled banaras and afterwards they were compelled to retire to Kantit and Bana. The last in the line of the Gaharwar erected the old Rajput fort at Rajghat.The present Kantit family in Mirzapur claims its ancestry from this time.
The Kanauj kings did not penetrate in land and the country was held by Soeries,Bhars and other unsubdued tribes, who were independent throughout Avadh and the eastern districts. The district even today abounds with Bhars especially in Banaras tehsil.
Rajput colonization does not appear to have begun before the 12th or the13th centuries. This is the period popularly assigned to the establishment of the Raghubansi power. One Deo Kunwar came from Ayodhya ,the ancient seat of Raghubansis and married the daughter of Raja Banar, obtaining as dowry the Taluqa of Niar.The Raghubansis are the only Rajputs in the district who seemed to have acquired a position of independence.The Raghubansis claim descent from one Doman Deo,ninth in the direct descent from Deo Kunwar, who lived during the regime of Sikander Lodi and held Katehar as a rent-free tenure.” Unquote;
So even the history that speaks of us has Princess Bindumati married off to Deo Kunwar.Which in our bard’s story is married to the last King of Ayodhya, Nain deo. whose son was Salhe Kunwar, who fathered None Rao and Nangayee Rao While None Rao went away to Kashmir, Nangayee Rao fathered Deo Kunwar, who settled Deorayee in 1380AD.His great grand-father married the daughter of Raja Banar, sometime after 1194AD,after Jai Chandra shifted him to Rajghat in Varanasi or Banaras.Again,Doman Deo is said in the above description as the ninth in the descent from Deo Kunwar.Whereas factually, after Deo Kunwar,it was Birhaj Rai,then Pukar Rai,then Rai Khemraj Singh,then Udai Chand,then Ugaa Thakurayee,whose second son was Doman Deo who comes out to be seventh in line.
Doman Deo was contemporary of Sikander Lodi and even Sher Shah Suri(who had worked in his stable as a runaway in between 1501 to 1515)) upto 1545AD,i.e. three hundred and fifty years after the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya, and its odd that all Raghuvanshies claim descent from Doman Deo.So one purpose of this exercise is also for the purpose of correction of records in such haphazard descriptions as much as in some old Govt. Gazeteers, and bring for public viewing the correct order of the lineage,and specially for our suspicious cousins in Jaunpur,calling all Katehar cousins not only descendants of Doman Deo,but also of his Ahir consort(in jest).For the records sake Doman Deo fathered five sons from that lady,called,Jalho Mokal,Amba,Chan and Bariyasan Singh.Doman Deo’s other son was Kalyan Shah, whose son Ayirran Shah built the Ayar Kot ,near Varanasi, whose eleventh descent Pratap Narain Singh was adopted by maharaja of Vijayanagaram in Andhra Pradesh and Vijjy etc. were his descent and came to Chandravati ,near Kaithi to claim their share.
Our family bard Banshi Kavi made a record by his memory as a lot of preserved genealogy was thrown in the river Gomti,over some dispute between them, by the descendants of the Chaubeys who came from Ayodhya,accompanying Nain Deo,the last King of Ayodhya.He has done a remarkable work,but his mixing-up of Anno-Domini and Vikram Samvat is quite perplexing at times.
I have taken the benchmark of my own uncles birthdate from the Civil List and gone backwards,allotting a generous twenty-five years as an average to each of my long-living ancestors,eg.130(Ram Sunder Singh),110(Bharat Singh),96(Ram Rup Singh).instead of ASI’s meager 19 and a half years as an average for each generation,as Director Monuments Sri Soundarajan used for calculating Ayodhya’s age as per their excavations and comparing the same with my own table till Ikshawaku son of Manu and Satrupa,who established Ayodhya.Mr. Soundarajan was highly impressed and wrote to me twice, seeking information about the direct lineal descendants of the Raghuyvanshy dynasty of Ayodhya i.e. us.
I have to indeed mention the genealogical table come to my possession,also by chance and good wishes of the village-folk towards the family which had me moving with an invigorating zeal towards what the retired district judge had predicted about me,years ago,in the Lucknow Coffee House,to Thakur Ram Rup Singhji,on reading my palm.I traveled to Gaya and met our family panda(the record-keeper) and checked on the entries of my ancestors about the mystery of the 1857 martyr,Jaipal Singh,about which I read a paper in ICHR session of Kurukshetra and put in the website called , www.1857-amartyramongpwwbks.com and the same will be annexed in the book under consideration.There is another paper I should speak about which I read in the ICHR session of Mumbai,was “SherShah in the court of Doman Deo”.Although the great meandering catastrophy of the river Gomti in 1980,pulled me away from my preoccupation of the Raghuvanshies.
Again,it was the 150th anniversary of the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh that brought me back to get active in the cause of the book.I hope I will not keep my cousins and others waiting for too long,as I have decided to do it on my own,entirely,no body being attracted by my website or the blog.
I hope I am able to keep your attention glued to my story-telling in vernacular English,which I thought was fine for merchant marine globe-trotting,but realized its vagary starting on this project.And the requirement of my country cousins of the same book to be written in Hindi has also become my compulsion,so bless me to complete the Hindi version ,soonest ,but not so soon so as to stop you from buying this one,in the meanwhile,because that will not be an out and out translation.So please do not miss out the fantacy of the plebeians at your service.
Suresh Pratap Singh
Navi Mumbai
22.05.2009
About the author of the book: the plebeians who would be the kings.
Born in the house of Sees Chand, at the time when Adolf Hitler was occupying Gdansk in Poland and the Indian Empire of the British was about to disintegrate and the Congress Party of India was on the ascendancy , about to win freedom for the country , Gandhi had already acquired the stature of a deity and everyone had a Congress revolutionary in the family , his own father being arrested for burning the Kaiser Hind aerodrome, built on his own mangroves and land, training young American fliers for the war, his one uncle being arrested for Congress agitations and activities in and around Azamgarh ,and a brother-in-law for refusing to pay in the War-fund kitty of the ruling British class ,and mother’s maternal-uncle for Quit-India movement in Varanasi. The name of his first cousin changed from Bhagat Singh to Virendra Pratap. Born to the rural middle-class affluence ,acquired over regular tilling of soil for frugal subsistence over five hundred years and twenty-two generations of the men of grit and resolve to have claimed their entire possession as “independent land-owners ”,recognizing none as their over-lords or even as sovereigns since their migration from Ayodhya in or around 1194 AD, till 1793.
The most amazing factor of his life is to have been born in the same family, where the Bhrigu-sanhita- mentioned Mahayogi Bharat Singh presided, as the 110 years old sage till 6th of December 1944.However that saw the end of the golden-era of the 1st House of Katehar and by 28.06.1952,three days prior to Zamindari-abolition in United-Provinces or Uttar Pradesh and every thing seem to have evaporated in the thin air over-night. He was but an impressionable young lad of twelve .The Sees Chand Mansion was totally deserted and forlorn ,people took away any thing and every thing they could lay their hands on, there was no one to stop them. By and by the heavy teek doors and almirahs were unhinged and removed after a roomful of teek-slabs had been gradually removed from the house. Huge wooden boxes were shifted away. One such box carried the 1st House genealogical table, which took people by surprise as it was not decipherable. So the word went around of such a find, which was handed-over to him by a stroke of good luck and people’s well-wishes for the family after the return of the prodigal son.
The riddle of the large sheet of high-class Italian art paper supported by cotton-mesh at the back took much of the time and curiosity of the author till a clerk in the Varanasi courts solved it in a couple of Sundays riddle-solving session. This was like a Pandora’s box and a thrilling mystery-book which set the tone of the book to be written by him. The author by now had concluded his ten-year long sea-career and got around to Indian Council of Historical Research and read four papers, mainly based on the knowledge gained from his abovementioned Pandora’s box, aided by the tales of the family bard since shifting from Ayodhya in around 1194AD.
However, the urge to complete the history of migration from Ayodhya to Varanasi and Jaunpur was nipped in the bud, by the horrendous deeds of the river Gomti in 1979 and 1980,on 7th of September, when the author’s village lost 626.04acres of riverine land in one big shifting to south- detour of the river. This and the head of the 1st House of Katehar,Rai Saheb Thakur Ram Rup Singh kept the author busy, from dawn to past midnight(preparing notes to face from the smallest to the highest revenue officials of the State, legally and morally and desperately to claim what was theirs) for next ten years, till the time the author’s spouse rebelled(owing to the needs of the growing family and the prime source of livelihood having gone on the other side of river Gomti) and she very forcefully and resolutely, packed the author, once more , back to sea.
With good sea-wages the priorities changed overnight with improved living conditions and a certain amount of both sloth and indolence setting –in , however starting work on a new mansion in the city(dedicated to the memories of the survival in his last residence: the glorious Sees Chand Mansion in the village, since 1485 till 28.06.1952,by his ancestor Rai Chan Singhjudeo to his own father Babu Rishabh Deo Singhji-aptly calling it the R.M..House) being erected on the insistence of the spouse, and the historicity in mind in altogether a different prospective, the relegated back-ground bringing-out in the open and to city-lights
However the relegated realization of the over-bearing importance of the edifice still holding-on it’s own and standing-by as a reminder of the past history dawned-upon once more, on the occasion of the last rites of the author’s mother in 2005.It came like an awakening of dulled senses and it seemed to the author that he was born only for the purpose of recording the art of survival and passing their time, incognito, also for the sake of survival of the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya in the thick forests of Katehar,particularly and to hand -over the knowledge to the new generations, of today, for inculcating a sense of pride and humility ,so as not to forget that the Raghuvanshies are born to help the humanity,even today,i.e.in the Kaliyuga.
It is a different matter that in a book-form,it would throw light on many things, unrecorded hitherto by the historians,like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar holding parganas of Katehar,Sultanipur,Barah,Mahaich and Narwan in Varanasi(plus Chandauli,now) as independent land-owners for nearly six hundred years, so much so that historians refer to them as Hindu Kings,after the fall of the Gaharwars.And that from Ghiasuddin Tughlaq in 1321 to Sikander Lodi to Sher Shah Suri in 1545 could’nt object to their style of functioning(mainly of not paying any revenue cess) or do any thing about their haughty arrogance.
The author took to solitary living in his Mumbai-flat to translate the greatest Sanskrit poet Kaldas’s description of his famous ancestor Raghu,the first ever world-conqueror ,as in his quest for realization of his dream to write a Magnum Opus on Ayodhya’s glory from seven millennium BC to 1194AD,when the Raghuvanshies ,more or less,fled from there,or were removed by their benefactor Jai Chand,the then the sovereign of Ayodhya,as well as of Kashi(Varanasi) and Kannauj,as well,of course.That task will take him to Kolkata’s Central Library,in the near future.
The Permanent Settlement of Lord Cornwallis and Jonathan Duncan has found a detailed description owing to his proximity with an authority on revenue matters and an advisor to many ministers in the government of the State, and the author’s own uncle, guiding him and tutoring him, like a stern head-master for days, before sending him to argue-out his case, and of the village, of course, from deputy secretary upto the Secretary ,himself and insisted on getting an order for the same, or else to stay-on in Lucknow, till a copy of the order was in his hands. The officials argued, relentlessly, but obliged most graciously ,after being convinced of the his valid arguments sometimes from 2PM in the afternoon till eight in the evening,till his voice became hoarse.
That may have made him very stubborn, in defence of his own arguments , in general.
A Hall of Fame of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar is his latest fad,other than a Hall of Fame of the First House of Katehar ,and now he is stationed in Mumbai to go back to sea ,to earn for the same purpose but his detractors are up in arms against him once more and are throwing their spanners in the works , all the time. But he is pressing -on regardlesly and resolutely as in the days when he was facing a battery of revenue officials from the Secretariat to the Board of
Revenue as well as locally, from the Divisional Commissioner to the Qanungo.
So before the book goes to print, dear readers of his blog(just search for Raghuvanshies on google blog search and you will get two on the subject)do read his blog and help him do, what he is trying to do ,for you.
Contents and references
Copyright No.:L(28065)/2007
ISBN NUMBER- ISBN-13:978-81-909061-0-4
Book I
1.How it all began –Sees Chand & Doman Deo establishing Kaithi and Chandravati.
2.Story of Syed Sallar Masood Ghazi Mian,grand-son of Mahmood Ghazni,1016 AD.
3.Loss of Ghazi mian to Raja Suheldeo in Bahraich,1034AD
4.Grant of Bayalassi pargana to Rai Chan Singhjudeo.
5.The return of Ram Sunder Singh,the last name in Kaithi Sazra
6.XLI session of the ICHR,in Mumbai and reference to the paper read there on “Sher Shah in the court of Doman Deo.
7.Deo Kunwar settles Deorayee in 1323 AD
8.How close were Sees Chand and Doman Deo.
9.Doman Deo’s ascendancy.
10. Status of the 1st House of Kaithi settlement after 15 generations & Bharat Singh.
11.Did Doman Deo’s horse really cross the Ganges persued by Afgans?
12.The return of the prodigal son.
13.Grand designs of Raja Balwant Singh of Ramnagar.
14.Cornwallis sends Jonathan Duncan as Resident of Benares.
15.Pre-eminence of Bharat Singh
16. Collector Moss and Bharat Singh
Book II
1.Magnum Opus on the survival of the Sun dynasty of Ayodhya
2.Age verification of the 1st House of Katehar
3.Raghuvanshies of Benares.
4.First muslim governor of Benares
5.Firuz Tughlaq ,Ghiasuddin Tughlaq(1322) and the Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
6.Muhhad Shah Sharqi(1440-148)’Hussain Shah Sharqi and Bahlol Lodi and the Raghuvanshies extending their areas of influence in Sharqi kingdom.
7.Sikander Lodi(1488) restores Jaunpur Sultanate and befriends Raghuvanshies.
8.Hasan Shah father of Sher Shah receives jagir of Tanda,across the Ganges and befriends the Raghuvanshies of Kaithi.
9.Raghuvanshies maintain a cavalry and foot soldiers to maintain their freedom.
10.Saints ,Ramanand, Kabir,Ravidas,Guru Nanak live in religious harmony.
11.Defeat of Ibrahim Lodi(1526-at Panipat) allows Afgans to seize eastern provinces and Beneras,once again.
12.Humaun looses to Sher Shah in Chausa(1532)
13.Sher Shah captures Benares garrison(1538-39).
14.Then defeats Humayun in Kannauj(1540),Usman Khan made governor of Benares.
15.Traditions assert makes rent-free grant of Katehar to Raghuvanshies.
16.A mint in Benares,turning copper coins (1555).
17.Akbar the great in Beneras(1556).
18.Raja Todar Mal in Benares(1569)
19.Akabar comes again by waterways on way to Bengal campaign
20. Benares becomes a Sirkar,in the suba of Illahabad,created by Akbar.
21.Sant Tulsidas(1532-1623) composes Ramcharitmanas.
22.Revenue Collection and cultivated areas.
23.Shah Jahan orders casting down of temples of Benares.(1632).
24.Much action in Benares(1658)Slaiman defeats Shuja.
25.Aurangzeb destroys old Kirti Bisheshwar temple and builds Alamgir mosque.
26.Aurangzeb issues orders for demolition of Hindu temples including that of Kashi Vishwanath and Bindumadhav-and a mosque built on each site(1669).
27.Gaga Bhat of Benares summoned for Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation ceremony.(1674).
28.French traveler Tavernier visits Benares(1665).Later on Bernier,also French visits.
29.Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur erects famous Observatory at Benares.
30.Farruk Siar murdered and Muhammad Shah,gives Sirkar of Benares to Murtaza Khan.
31.Murtaza Khan entrusts the management to Rustam Ali,for consideration of five lakhs.
32.Sadat Khan becomes Subedar of Avadh(1722) and Murtaza Khan leases his jagir to him for seven lakhs.Rustam Ali retains the charge till 1738.
33.Mansa Ram representing Rustam Ali before Safdar Jung secures the office of Nazim of Sirkars of Benares,Jaunpur and Chunar,in the nane of his son Balwant Singh.
34.Muhammad Shah issues a ‘Sanad’,after the death of Mansa Ram,conferring Rajaship on Balwant Singh.(1739).
35..Fresh settlement of new tenants ordered by Balwant Singh.(1759).
36.Time of great anxiety,for city of Benares(1752).
37.A havoc created in the city of Benares(1750).
38.Balwant Singh hastily retreats from battle of Buxor and a British Resident posted at Ramnagar,his headquarters in Benares.(1764).
Book III
1.Ikschawakus table in Ayodhya,prior to its last King’s migration to Benares,1194AD.
2.Kosala’s under Magadh.
3.Sungas sovereignity on Kosala.
4.The Guptas and Ayodhya
5.Rise of Maukharies and shift to Kannauj.
6.The beginning of Muslim invasions.
7.A need of convincing proof of solar races genuineness for the historians.
8.The Russian scholar’s views.
9.a translation of Kalidas’s “Raghuvansh-Mahakavya”(Chapters I to chapter VIII).
Book IV
1.Chapter VIII to chapterXIX of the mahakavya.
2.Ayodhya in the mediaeval period.
3.The Sultans of Delhi.
4.The Mughals.
5.The Nawabs(1720- 1856).
6.The Annexation of Ayodha and the struggle of 1857.
BOOK-I
Plebeians who would be Kings
A book about the legends of Ikshawakus and history of Raghuvanshies from seven millennium B.C. to 28.06.1852 from Asthachakra Ayodhya to Kaithi-Katehar, taking a clue from the Last Reghuvanshy King Maharaja Nain Deo’s bard Banshi Kavi, who traveled with him to Varanasi at the time of the abdicated king’s betrothal to the famouns Gaharwar King Jaichand’s grand –neice Bindumati in Varansai in 1194 A.D. ; AND THEREON -
An application for the magnum opus’s copyrights has been submitted to the Registrar of COPYRIGHTS , to the Govt. of India, New Delhi-110001. on 15.11.2006, from Belapur, Navi Mumbai, by registered post with triplicate statement of Particulars and the fee paid vide postal order NO. 40F 751229, 40F 751228 AND 56E894907, with Receipt No:- RLA 6101, from Konkan Bhavan SO 400614.
Name
SURESH PRATAP SINGH
Family Name
RAGHUVANSHI
“The plebeians who would be Kings”.
Story of the 1st House of Katehar. 1378-1952
By the 1st born of the Second son of the
Direct lineal descendant in the Twentieth Century.
Subject
A treatise (Proposed) on shifting of
Raghuvanshi rulers from Ayodhya and
Spreading in Varanasi (Katehar) and
Jaunpur (Dobhi) etc.
I must have been destined to do this work as I was always wondering about “ meaning of life” in my letters, to my erudite uncle, from sea, having lost my noble father early in a ghostly tragedy, after having stood by his side in al his struggle of regaining the squandered property in my abode of eighteen generations, (not known to me then and neither suffering yet from any supercilious sense of elitism, first dose of which was administered by Sri Parmeshwar Dwivedi on major Banks Road in Lucknow , reading my Bhrigu-Sanhita, with uncanny accuracy about the past, of which even my highly intelligent uncle was not aware). Secondly a retired (D.J.) gentleman (Mr. Srivastava- I think) frequenting our table in Lucknow Coffee House was a casual but renowned for accurate palm reader, told me of accomplishing a big thing connecting the past with the Future, in my life. Thirdly, Raja Banaras’s astrologer told me when I was struggling for survival in mid seventies that my “Standard of Living” will be the highest ever in the family’s history.
This was before I was forced to resign, fed-up with my uncle’s (in fact my mother was the one who did it within six month’s of my father’s demise) selling the Kaithi property, time and again. I visited Kaithi once after the first sale-deed on being updated by a cousin of my father after I gave him four hundred rupees a help (that was a big sum in 1967). Then there was another effort of selling spree and I resigned my handsome job in the Merchant Marine. And then while visiting Shiv Ratri Mela in my imported ‘Ford’ on sighting the ruins of Chandravati Fort of Doman Dev I asked about his time from my otherwise very well read and informed uncle. He said it must have been 2000 to 2500 years ago. So that was that – the level of information about the Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi, sacked from Ayodhya.And the person telling me was born in the house of the eldest brother of Doman Dev, who lived in Chandrawati only fifteen generations away. That was jolting and something had to be done about it. So I found my family’s genealogical table, prepared in around 1840 and a book of Banshi Kavi, about the last king of Ayodhya, forced to give- up his Kingdom and migrate to his father-in-laws domain in Varanasi. According to Banshi Kavi, he married the King’s daughter, later, while leading the life of a hermit. But if the theory of massacre of five leading Hindu Kings by Syed Sallar Jung alias Ghazi Main is correct, then Raja Banar must have been killed already by him before Maharaj Nain Dev of Ayodhya came to Varanasi , fleeing from Ayodhya on the thought of the approaching terror, which should have been around 1032 A.D. in the reign of Masud Ghazni son of Mahmud Ghazni during their 26 years rule. Syed Sallar Jung Ghazi Main was a nephew of Masud Ghazni and a grandson of Mahmud Ghazni. He has left windows in Varanasi and maidens waiting to marry him every year, and is feted in Bahraich district where Raja Suheldeo tackled him in a decisive battle in the Suhelawa forest. Strange are the ways of national integration that both Muslim and Hindus pay yearly homage on his ‘Mazar’ -to the man who decided to eliminate five principal Hindu rulers to establish Islam and Islamic phenomena, by historians and Hindu institutions, separating history from legend.
However if one goes by the legend of Ghazi Mian massacring the Mathura King and Raja Bannar the last Gaharwar ruler of Varanasi, the dates given by Banshi Kavi the court Bard’s descendant come with Maharaj Nain Dev from Ayodhya vary by about a hundred years. But Banshi Kavi who used to come and stay with us when my great grand-father was alive, has complained that the conspiring Chaubeys of Niyar- deeh had thrown all his papers and genealogical tables in river Gomti and he had prepared everything from his memory and that is why quite incomplete. Surprisingly, my great grandfather did not give him our own genealogical table down from Sees Chand to update to couple of generations more. At though it is doubtful that either of the two understood the baithaua-Urdu Script of Sees Chand’s table. It took a couple of moths to get hold of an old Muharrir by name of Sagar Singh to come to our village for couple of Sundays to be able to decipher our table for us to know that indeed this village was settled by Sees Chand son of Madan Chand Judeo, who was the eldest son of First Raghuvanshi visitor to Kaithi who come to worship on the banks of river Ganges for several years: by name of Rai Chan Singh Judeo eldest son of first Rai of Katehar Rai Khemraj Singh, eldest son of Baba Pukar Rai of Niyardeeh.
Niyardeeh on the banks of Gomit was for long the seat of one branch of Raghuvanshies, i.e. of Katehar; while Ganesh Rai settled Dobhi in Jaunpur and one of the sons of Shalhe Kunwar, only son of Maharaj Nain Deo went away to Kashmir. Dr. Karan Singh of Kashmir had promised to me long ago to give me his own genealogical table kept away somewhere in some place near Srinagar, for completing the table of descendants of the Raghuvansi Kings of Ayodhya in the aftermath of the news and the threat of sacking of Ayodhya by Ghazi Mian and of leaving Ayodhya peremptorily; giving it away to purohits the Pandeys (although now the Raja is a Misra, whom I met in Delhi at my nephew’s place over a lunch).The present Raja of Ayodhya Sri. Mishra should be a good source and their history can be traced and tallied by that of Banshi Kavi’s ancestors, who left with the last Raghuvanshi king for Varanasi
Law of primogeniture was abolished by Bhagwan Ram himself, not that it was universally accepted afterwards or was acceptable to most others than Raghuvanshies. He did it mostly to appease his own three brothers, giving Taxila area to Bharat (it was his descendants who faced Alexander the great) Mathura to Shatrughan and close by Lucknow to Laxman. That was a large chunk of Pargiters ten democracies of the invading Aryans. Despite this, kings rose and ruled in Ayodhya, sometimes deserted and re-invigorated by supreme vaishnav kings like Vikramaditya in Kalidas’s “Raghuvansh Mahakavya” and other works and treatise. Doman Dev was one such person with much wealth at his command (through legendry magic paras(touch- stone or whatever turning iron into Gold) that he usurped the estate of Sees Chand come down to him from his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo granted to him by a Delhi or a Jaunpur Kings for his valour. Sees Chand confronted his famous cousin as the folklore goes on the border of Kaithi Rajwari in the riverine- Tari, and held Doman Deo’s horse to stop the boisterous and strong prince for having given away the “Pargana Bayalasi” in Jaunpur to Bais Rajputs, what was rightfully his estate being the eldest grandson of Rai Chan Singh Judeo. There was some sort of rapprochement between the two cousins and Doman Dev is said to have reassured his elder cousin never to look towards 2292 Bighas of Kaithi, even after being appointed a Raja of sorts by Emperor Sher Shah himself on return from his Bengal expedition around 1545 (dates can be corrected for accuracy by reference to history Books). In fact sheer Shah Suri, the King Emperor held a court on his return from Bengal expedition to make reproaches to Doman Dev, his erstwhile master (1501-1515) for the insolence of his commander-in-chief in sacking the fort of Chandravati and chasing away Doman Dev to Laxmangarh, for refusing to provide arms and ammunitions, men and material needed for Bengal expedition of Sher Shah, after his great conquest of Ahmedabad (Gujrat) .There was an incident in the Temple of Markandey Mahadeo, where the commander-in-chief met Doman Deo of the Raghuvanshy clan, which gave time for Doman Deo of the Raghuvanshy clan, to flee across the Ganges. Some stupid soldiers started chipping away on the Idol of the ruling deity (it can be seen even today as one enters to pray on the western edge of the Shivlinga. Then a storm of the BEES invaded the temple’s sanctum sanctorum and attacked the soldiers and drove them to their grave in a field of plots (now in my possession) called the ‘Zinwa’ and their leader found a grave nearby called “Saeed Baba ki Mazar”. Meanwhile Doman Deo made his getaway to Laxmangarh, while Sher Shah’s troops attacked and sacked Chandrawati. Sher Shah made much amends for his Commander in- Chief’s insolence on his return from the successful Bengal expedition by holding a Darbar to honour Doman Dev the Raghuvanshi settler in Varanasi. Doman Dev found further ascendancy to his ruling career, there onwards. One Mr. Ram Chandra Srivastava Director Archaeological Suvey, who visited the temple of “Sabha Baba” (to be maintained by the occupants of Sees Chand’s house) and (found statues and figurines of the eleventh century, inside the temple) told me that Sri Rudra Dutt Singh of Senapur (a friend of U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Macnmara) had located a ‘Sanad’ issued by Sher Shah at that time, which happens to be lodged in the library of the Cornell University (near New York, U.S.A.) granting freedom from cess on Cultivation to Doman Dev and as leader of all (subject to denial by Dobhi Sect far away in Jaunpur) the Raghuvnshies (of Katehar and descendants of Baba Pukar Rai of Niyar – all the twelve of them, spread around). That is when Doman Dev found true ascendancy over his elders and senior houses, viz. of Sees Chand Judeo of Kaithi, etc. allowing him 2292 Bighas as free lease, and was emboldened to grant away paragana Bayalisi to Bais Rajputs on his visit to Sher Shah’s court in Delhi ,later. He usurped the rights of Sees Chand with impunity. And the confrontation between the two cousins in Kaithi’s riverine belt (Tari) must have occurred after Doman Dev having bequeathed the inheritance of Sees Chand, in Delhi, to his own needy sisters married to rebellious Basis Rajputs imprisoned by Sher Shah and released on Doman Dev’s pleadings and assurances of good conduct by those Rajputs by way of engagement in agriculture away from arms and ammunitions, in Jaunpur’ paragana Bayalisi.
Chart of relationship between Sees Chand and baba Doman Deo (or Dev).
Rai Khemraj Singh 2) Satan Rai 4) Chitau Baba 5) Niyayi baba
1) Rai Chan Singh Judeo 2) Rai Veerbhan 3) Rai Uday Chand Singh
Madan Chand Judeo 5) Uga Thakurayee
See Chand Judeo 1) Tara Chand 2) Raja Doman Dev
(Kaithi) (Employer of Sher Shah)
built original ,Sees Chand mansion ( as a youngman) betn.( 1501-1515.AD)
Around 1465 AD- on Rai Chand Singh Estate
Latest rebuilding 1932
(in the times of Bharat Singh)
House in use and in order
Needing restoration for
Posterity & Raghuvanshy’s
History.
10/05/2001. page 2 owefvekeÀ peeiejCe DeleerkeÀ Debmeejer mew³eo meeueej cemeTo ieepeerJe Je ceeefuekeÀ DeHeÀpeue
“ Syed salar Masood Ghaxi Mian” grand son of Mahmood Ghazni and nephew (sister’s son) of Masud Ghazni, born 405 Hizri or 1016 A.D. Returned from Ghazni at the age of 16 for promotion of religion to India. He came via Multan and Delhi to dozens of districts if western U.P. (including Mathura to Ghazipur and Benares. He is supposed to have been crucified or killed at the age of 16 (else where it is 18) in 420 Hizri in Baharaich (killed by suheldeo in suhelawa forest) on his way to Ayodhya to kill the Hindu king there. There is a symbolic cepeej nj p³esÿ ceeme kesÀ ÒeLece jefJeJeej keÀes ³eneb cesuee ueielee nw~ ³eneb yeekeÀe³eoe FvekeÀer Meeoer keÀe Dee³eespeve neslee nw~ yeejele Yeer Deeleer nw~ efkeÀvleg þerkeÀ mece³e Hej J³e³eOeeve Heæ[ peeves kesÀ keÀejCe Meeoer Deieues meeue kesÀ efue³es ìue peeleer nw~ symbolic mazar in salapura, Varanasi with malik Afzal Alvi- from Rajghat to Chaukaghat. He was also killed during spreading of Islam. Because of Alvi- the Mohalla known as Alyipura- later Alyeepur ( DeueF&Hegj ) lots of Mallah & Khewat ware made Muslims-
nces ve ceeue -Dees-oewuele ®eeefn³es, ve ngkegÀcele Je meuelevele nce Deuueen kesÀ efue³es Deuueen kesÀ yevoes keÀes FvmeeHeÀ efoueeves Je GvnW veskeÀ jemleeW Hej ®eueeves kesÀ efue³es Dee³es nw~
At one time I thought that on the impending attack of the killers of Raja Bannar of Kashi (Gaharwar) the Raghuvanshi ‘king of Ayodhya must have taken the flight from Ayodhya- but the dates differ by about one hundred years, except that there could not have been any king in Benares in 1207 to offer his daughter’s hands to Maharaj Nain Deo (Bindumati) when he gave away Dobhi and Katehar to the Raghuvanshi King in dowry.
However, as Ghazi Main perished in “Suhelwa” forest and Malik Afzal Alvi in Rajghat, may be Banar was not the king slain by Ghazi Mian and it could have been one of his fore- fathers and the dynasty continued, yet, in Varanasi- because it was Harish Chandra who was the last Gaharwar king in eastern U.P. (lost on the border of U.P. and Bihar) and Banar and Raghuvanshi king’s dynasties did survive past Ghazi Mian’s slaughter and only the Mathura Hindu dynasty was eliminated by him (Ghazi Mian).
Grant of Bayalasi to Rai Chan Singh Judeo
Banshi Kavi while writing the booklet on Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi, must have been devoid of the original work of his ancestors, thrown away by the Purohits of the early Raghuvanshi- settlers in Niyar-deeh –the wily Chaubeys and went about his task in “Bindas” manner (like myself today) supported by his good memory of the tales told by his ancestors without the help of written documents, writing “Shah Jahan” and “Delhi” where Rai Chan Singh Judeo is supposed to have visited to show- off his valour , and Banshi Kavi, while writing about his valour. However while writing my paper on “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Dev” (1999) for ICHR, I read about the Sharkee dynasty (Afgans) rule about Jaunpur being an independent Sultanait, as was Delhi and the Moghals came in 1526 or so with the end of Ghulams, Khiljis, Tuglaques, Lodies Sultanait. Baber had a brief rule and Humayun was born to him to play the game of hide and seek with Sher Shah. Sher Shah was in the stables of Doman Deo as an youngster, run away in ire over his father’s love for his fourth mother and her son. On the other hand Doman Deo was the second son of “Uga Thakurayee” the fifth son of Rai Uday Chand singh , the third brother of the eldest son of Rai Khemraj Singh , viz maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo, so at least 25x2 =50 year or 19 ½ x2 =39 years ago. As fixed by my then deep study and calculations Sher Shah as “Siyarua” was an attendant in Doman Deo’s stables between 1501 and 1515, when he was also engaged in plundering on river Sai in Jaunpur, during nights (and slept during days as caught by Doman Deo) and as reported to Akbar on a horse back journey by the Court-historian, who also served Sher Shah (I think I have mentioned this in my ICHR- paper) which I have yet to locate in ICHR book of proceedings or in my Kaithi Archives disheveled by my good wife and her attending Mallahins of the house- hold.
Sees Chand Judeo was the eldest cousin of Raja Doman Deo or in other words, Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo was the eldest brother of Doman Deo’s grand father Rai Uday Chand Singh. So fifty years or thirty nine or forty years earlier than 1501 or at least from the time Doman Deo was an adult and owner of a horse’s stable. No doubt you find Doman Deo engaged with Sher Shah’s Commander-in-Chief around 1545 and being installed as Raghuvansh-Shiromani and the first among all raghuvanshies of Dobhi and Katehar on the return of Sher Shah from Bengal expedition of five years (if I remember my history correctly) . Doman Deo could easily have been eighty years old at the time of being installed a “Rajah” of Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi and Jaunpur.
As reported by Vijay, the Raghuvanshy gentleman from Dobhi (I think Sri Rakesh Singh ) raised objection to the linking and ancestory of the present “Sees Chand Judeo” and Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo and allowed only 20 years for a generation (actually the historians allow only 19 ½ years for one generation) . But the Hindus give leeway of 25 years. In my opinion, on study of Raghuvanshies of Katehar, specially, Sees Chand’s descendants in Kaithi, one should allow even 30 years for a generation. Maha Yogi Bharat Singh, son of the last name in “Sajara” (the G. table) Ram Sunder Singh the fourteenth generation living in the house of Sees Chand Judeo, lived all of 110 (one Hundred and ten years) and his father came to attend the Terhi of his son who died on 6th of Dec. 1944 at the ripe old age of 110 after consuming toxic preparation of poisonous gourd (halwa) which was the “Prasad” of Thakurji for the “Ekadashi” fasting.
Some one did recognize the sadhu who said “oh! Bharat is dead” and by the time his grandson and great grand sons came rushing out of the house, he was gone- ,vanished in thin air, as the phrase goes. So how old must have been Ram Sunder Singh on 6th of Dec. 1944? A 135 or 130 years old Bharat Singh’s grand son failed me when got himself unnecessarily operated upon (great faith in modern surgery) for prostrate gland and kicked the bucket 15 years short of his grand father’s age, having lived nearly entire twentieth century all on is own. Another of his two contemporaries lived to be hundred also from Sees Chand’s family tree- but from the youngest of the four brothers and living in another house. Younger brothers just left the main edifice built by sees Chand and made separate households over last five hundred years, leaving the main house for the eldest son and his eldest son onwards. Despite the fact that Bhagwan Ram ruled out law of primogeniture amongst the Raghuvanshies- however, he did not ask them to destroy or disintegrate the house of Ikschawakets of Ayodhya.
So allotting only 19 ½ years for one generation to the Raghuvanshies of Kaithi and particularly to the house of Sees Chand, would not be fair. And as such from Sees Chand and twenty generations after him (till date), we should readily allot 25 years to each generation on an average. As is done otherwise, for one generation to Sees Chand Mansion’s inception –i.e. 25 x 20 = 500 years. That tallies with history of Doman Deo and Sher Shah (1501- 1515) as per Banshi Kavi and also as per my ICHR paper, making Sees Chand to be a contemporary and eldest brother (Cousin) of Tara Chand and Doman Deo sons of Uga Thakurai and grand son of Rai Uday Chand Singh, who was the youngest brother of Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo. And obviously his time would be a fifty years before that which comes out to be 1450. According to Banshi Kavi his time is 1660 A.D., when he should have proceeded to Delhi. Babar sat on Delhi throne in 1526 A.D. and Humayun many years after him, becoming contemporary of ‘Sher Shah, and taking over a little after Sher Shah’s death in the blast in Kalinger at the age of 60 years. That would be 1546 or thereabouts (It can be verified from any text book on history) so, surely, Rai Chan Singh Judeo, could not have met Shah Jahan to test his velour. Banshi Kavi has erred and treated history like me, more on hearsay rather than testing exact dates and rulers thereof.
I feel Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo must have gone to the Sultan of Jaunpur and spoken to him for testing his valour. He may have even stayed in his service for a while and was then granted the Jagir of “Bayalasee” for his valour and services. I think the Jaunpur Sultanait was ruled by Sharkee dynasty at that point of time. And around 1545, Doman Deo Supposed to have given “Bayalasee” away to Bais Rajputs. So according to Banshi Kavi Doman Deo gave away “Bayalasee” before Rai Chan Singh ever received it. So may be Rai Chan Singh did actually go to whatever ruler at the age of 5+12 =17 years i.e. 1450 or 1460 A.D. So may be Doman Deo’s visit to Delhi to attend the Court of Sher Shah is really fictitious. But he gave it away any way denying the ownership of “Bayalasee” to Sees Chand (by the virtue of birth in the house of Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo- as the first born to a first born Madan Chand). By then surely he must have attained the “Raghuvansh Siromani” title from Sher Shah and executed his power by denying “Sees Chand” what was his grand father’s achievement ; only a few years ago or two generations back.
Fixing dates to check table
Maharaj Deo Kunwar Singh came to Deoray in (1380-50)
= 1325 A.D.
Bhuj Rai Birhaj Rai (1348 AD )
Ganesh Rai (Dobhi) Pukar Rai
1365 A.D.
Continuing
Built ‘Kot’ Niyar
Expelled Seories
Rai Khemraj Singh
(1390 A.D.)
Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo
(1415 A.D.)
Sees Chand
(1465 A.D.)
Baba Pukar Rai came to Niyardeeh and built a Kot and “Chabutara” in 1365 A.D. let us presume he must have been 25 years old i.e. born 1340 A.D. Rai Khemraj Singh’s birth year should be 1365 A.D. i.e. 1390 + 57 = 1447 S. i.e. Samvat 1450 and not 1603 (as per Banshi Kavi) There is a difference of 70 years. If 57 is added to 1460 it come to 1517 A.D. shown as the birth year of Rai Chan Singh by Banshi Kavi. The anomaly seem to have occurred owing to conversion of samvat to Anno Domini and vice- versa, many times over, or mistaking one for the other in rag-tag old scriptures.
Whether Rai Chan Singh Judeo did ever meet Shahjahan?
Going by the birth of Jahanara the famous daughter of Shahjahan which is 1.4.1614 at the age of 22 years of Prince Sultan Khurram Jahangir’s third son. Hence the year of Shahjahan’s birth comes out to be 1592. Jahangir died on 28.10.1627 and Shahjahan become the ruler and was well till 7.6.1931 before Mumtaz Mahal died in child birth. After that Shahjahan was always in deep shock and disconsolate. He could barely attend to his court duties. So after 7.6.1631, he could not have attended to any young man (Rai Chan Singh) come to show-off his valour. If Rai Chan Singh did actually visit Shahjahan, it had to be between 1627 & 1631. if true Rai Chan Singh may have been a young man between 27 and 31, hence should have been born in 1600 A.D.
So the dates given by Banshi Kavi (Page 20 of the new edition) as a story of 1603 samvat, 1660 A.D. is a misprint and it could be meaning to say Rai Chan Singh’s period as 1603 to 1660 A.D.
But that belies all the dates given by Banshi Kavi, e.g. Samvat 1380 when Deo Kunwar Judeo came to “Deorayee”. And 55 year later his grand son Baba Pukar Rai settled in Niyardeeh after defeating Seories, the local tribals, i.e. Samvat 1435. Pukar Rai eldest son Rai Khemraj Singh can be given another 25 years to have been born from Samvat 1435 (on settlement of Niyardeeh) to 1460 Samvat and his eldest son Rai Chan Singh may be presumed to be born in 1485 Samvat and may have come to Kaithi to meditate on the banks of Ganga around 1490 Samvat. Then the story of Shershah in the Court of Doman Deo gains some credence but the mention of Banshi Kavi about Rai Chan Singh meeting Shahjahan in Delhi is faulty. However, there is no doubt he was indeed awarded the estate of Pargana Bayalasee, as later it was given away to “Bais” Rajputs by Doman Dev- when he visited the Court of Shershah which must been between (1540-1545) i.e. within five years of Shershah’s Delhi rule. Now who gave Pargana Bayalasee to Rai Chan Singh must have been a Ruler of the Sharkee Dynasty at Janupur Sultanait. And Doman Deo giving it away may have been justified as by then it was `under the domain of Delhi , the Sharkee dynasty and Janupur Sultanait having fallen and another Afghan at the helms of the affairs at Delhi viz. Shershah dynasty .. We must check the dates of fall of Sharkee dynasty and Sultanait’s amalgamation with Delhi sovereignty , in the history books, at a later date and analyse further the reason for donation of Pargana Bayalasee by Doman Deo to Bais Rajputs, of something that did not belong to him rightfully, a property of Sees Chand.
How close were Sees Chand and Doman Deo?
If it were 25 years ago, I could simply give the example of Rishabh Deo and Chandra Deo, whose grand fathers were brothers, living in the house of their great grand father Ram Sunder Singh in the fourteenth generation of Sees Chand, living in his house continually all along to illustrate the relation –ship of Sees Chand and Doman Deo. Fathers of Sees chand and Doman Deo were brothers living in the house of their great grand father Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo, who may have lived in the house of Baba Pukar Rai in Niyardeeh or may have moved-on to Ajgara & Dharauhara near Chaubepur P.S. (and not in Chandauli). But it is unlikely that Baba Pukar Rai would permit his first born to wander away in his domain of Pargana Katehar to establish new pastures. It is more likely that the reign of newly built “Kot” (Residence on a raised level surrounded by water channels) to be kept in tact as a symbol of unity of the twelve brothers and for the safety, security and comfort of the three queen mothers (Maharani Mriga, Shukana and Asmal) and the wives of perhaps all the twelve brothers, (initially- when they must have ventured out to Ajagara, Kaithi, Dharahara, Chandravati, Rampur, Tekuri, Rajwari, Nurdipur, Tarayen, Kaithor, Kukhali, Tala Babiyon, Parana Patti, Laxmi Chand ka Pura , Khardanha, Hardasipur, Dhusa-Kapura, Hathiyar, Bandawa, Pandrachha Rehari, Rajala Nevada, Bahiri, Kopa khutanha, Bhatpurwa, Sinhpur, Lovabeg, Muskabad, Munari, Gadsera, Rauna, Parbatpur, Dubhkinya, Tarnya, Piyaree, Umaranha, Handia-Deeh, Tanda, Ramgarh, Bela, Kharauna, Sidhauna, Fardaha, Anauni, Itahua, Pokhara, Amena, Aili Bhagwan Singh, Dinapur, Rupnarain Singh, Badke Barthara, Kaithi of Tahsil Chandauli, Goharanha, Deranwa, Balua, Saray, Tarkagaon, Bela (Gangapur) Hardhan, Inda, Madanyiya Sarswal, Sidas Katari, Airyee, Laxmngarh, Bhandahan, Kodopur, Hariharpur Kadipur, Tetarpur, Gaura, Chitauni, Chitauna, Patar (Tajpur Dehma) Nadia (Bengal), Jaharanpur, Mohada, Dharsauna, Bandhe, Bhadanwa, Narkata, Singarpur, Balrampur, Sultanipur, Pahadpur, Mohandas Ka Pura, Rasada, Dherahi, Suari, MandaYEE, Daudpur, Chandepur- Unche-Ka-Pura, Mahmudpur, Bhaktauli, Barahpur, Kukhali, Bhandawa, Bhudkuda, Kuddari, Semara, Durmitanwa, Mangwalepur, Deoria) to drive away the seories and create fresh settlements for their survival over which their ancestor was granted suzerainty by the king of Varanasi. Some ventured far and some near and perhaps stayed in the nights at the Niyardeeh Kot, with their wives & mothers. However venturing out to Kaithi or Chandravati, there was not much chance of a daily sojourn back in the night to their grand-father’s house. So let us presume Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo must have been expected to look after the daily needs of Baba Pukar Rai’s household, and may not have been permitted to go gallivanting all over the Paragana of Katehar, even in the guise of settling yet another village snatched from the tribal. I can visualize him to be like Ram Rup Singh a great grand son of Ram Sunder Singh, looking after the needs of all his younger brothers.
So Rai Chan Singh must have traveled all the way from Niyardeeh kot to Kaithi for meditation on the banks of the holy river Ganges. So naturally one could surmise that his servants made a hutment for cooking his meals and rest during the nights. A spot so revered and taken to be the place to make home by his son Madan Chand, who may or may not have made a home there and returned to Niyardeeh or travelled to Delhi or Jaunpur (wherever) with his father or later looked-after the newly acquired Jagir of Pargana “Bayalasee” in Jaunpur. At the same time he may have returned to live with his son as Kaithi as the Kaithi Sazara starts with Madan Chand and his three sons, but according to the dialogue between Bharat Baba and Satya Narin Pandit, the house that Ram Rup Singh wanted Bharat Baba to rebuild on a larger Scale (expanded on three sides except north), as per the wishes of his Collector Mr. Moss was built by Sees Chand and not Madan Chand or Rai Chan Singh, who was the first person to come there. The land may have been first occupied by Rai Chan Singh, and it may have been his estate so as to allow access only to Madan Chand and then to Sees Chand who may have collected resources to establish the “PIND” (the Hindu concept of boundary) of the first house in Kaithi on the estate of Rai Chan Singh Judeo, a Jagirdar elsewhere.
Surely Doman Deo was to find the Second best place historically on the banks of the Ganges – Chandravati, where the first “Tirthankar” of the Jains- Rishabhdeo lived and meditated- although scriptures also speak of Ayodhya as his abode (as he was also a Raghuvanshi).
Doman Deo was the luckier of the two cousins as a Brahmin from Maharashtra came calculating (mathematically) in search of “Paras” Patthar (the magic stone which turns iron into Gold and bequeathed it to him as the more suitable candidate to keep the stone. Doman Deo was strong and found himself honor-bound to marry a damsel from the Ahir’s community who bore him five sons and ruled the entire Raghuvanshi house-hold with an iron hand, so much so that the Raghuvanshi follow the Customs even today established by that Iron lady Jalho, Mokal , Amma, Chand and Bariyasan singh were her five sons. However the Dobhi Raghuvanshies beguile themselves by calling us all as her own children. She was indeed our mother by the virtue of being married to Raja Doman Deo of Katehar, titled Raghuvansh Shiromani” by emperor Sher Shah in a Darbar held by him, after his return from Bengal expedition in 1545 (if I am not mistaken about the year. )
So Sees Chand’s importance as the senior most house of Katehar faded into insignificance by the glitter of the young Raghuvanshi prince in Chandravati, a second cousin to him. And the Raghuvanshies in Kaithi led a hard life of cultivating land and some times looting the barges coming back from Bengal laden with rice (something not grown on the table land of Kaithi or in its Tari (alluvial land-between Ganga & Gomti).
Ascendancy of Doman Deo continued unabated while Sees Chand struggled for frugal survival. They may have been one or two years apart in age and must have played and quarrelled as children in the household of their great grand father and great great grand father Rai Khemraj Singh and Baba Pukar Rai in Niyardeeh; at least for twenty years of their youth as they had no boarding house to go to like Rishabh Deo and Chandra Deo.
Surely there was some rapport between the two cousins, so as to embolden Sees Chand to hold the reins of doman Deo’s horse on Rajwari-Kaithi border and ask Doman Deo to stay away from 2292 Bighas of Sees Chand’s arable in Kaithi although appointed Raja of Katehar and Dobhi by the proclamation of Emperor Sher Shah and crowned “Raghuvanshi Siromani” by him. And Doman Deo equally affably granted the suzerainty of 2292 Bighas of Kaithi to his senior cousin Sees Chand without a moment’s hesitation on that very spot. We would wish Banshi Kavi’s ancestors had recorded more details on their relationship and how the limelight passed from the first house of Katehar to Doman Deo and general reaction among the Raghuvanshies of that era. Now, we have to depend on folk- tales and folk songs sung by old women when children are born in our houses, and stretch our imagination in cinematic style to recreate our recent history in order to remind our new generations of our need to survive for human good and welfare, mingling with the masses as was done by Maharaj Nain Deo son of Maharaj Veeram Deo of Ayodhya descendant of Maharaj Kari Rao- the 108th of the pious Raghuvanshi kings.
Chapter
As to what exactly was their status and bearings of Sees Chand’s descendants after fourteen generation of Kaithi settlement?
I may be the last person, other than my eldest brother now happily settled on Birunagla farm in Kichha (District Nainital), who could relate vaguely some features of the living standards of Babu Bharat Singh who was a son of Ram Sunder Singh the only person reaching the distinction of the fourteenth generation in the Sazra of Mauza Kaithi, Pargana Katehar, by virtue of being the eldest of the eldest of the eldest progeny occupying the house of Sees Chand (and obviously the younger brothers making their houses in convenient neighbourhood, naturally or by design or dictates (who knows?) of the eldest of the sons for fourteen generations at least. They may have been compensated in some way, apart from being provided land on plot No. 1328 earmarked for residences of the Raghuvanshi settlers and their servant’s quarters. By early twentieth century, each one of them was striving to make brick houses with small poorly ventilated and ill-lit houses owing to meager resources at their disposal. Even those who became rich by working in Hyderabad or Singapore preferred katchcha houses of two stories supported by brick support with wooden ceilings for keeping the houses cool in summers and warm in winters. Small verandahs were provided around the center courtyard needed for survival of women-folk during sultry nights to fill the houses with gusts of winds from Gomti at one end and Ganga at the other . Sometimes, the entire house (Bakhari) was devoted to storage of grains and seeds for the next crop, for instances Bharat Singh a great farmer had one full “Anjahiya Bakhari”. (the house for the farm-produce). And even our food was cooked there, after the “Rasoyeeghar” (Kitchen- apartments) were pulled down for making room for the construction of a new colonial styled house at the behest of Mr. Moss, the then collector of the new incumbent in civil services, Thakur Ram Rup Singh, after great persuasion of Bharat Baba by both the collector and his deputy.
I don’t want to forget the stories (so sweet to my ears) of Dashrath-bo Mallahin, who wasn’t the great favorite of my wife, so she used to find me and tell me the glorious days of Bharat Baba and even my own grand father, and the “Raj” of those days and even the magnanimity of my shrewd and strict grand mother (who was the most beautiful woman of her time as often spoken of by the forever handsome and dignified Ram Rup Singh- for whom beauty was a big consideration.)
All though I have indeed witnessed the unforgetable scenario prevailing in Bharat Singh’s household, I cannot describe it so lucidly and articulately as can Dasharath bo Mallahin, of the Khalihans (the grain thrashing plot in the fields) the plots measuring upto 15 acres in the alluvial areas measuring 600 lathas in lengths one latha equals 99” to 104” and crop cutting from 4 A.M. in the morning under the direct supervision of Bharat Singh when well over a hundred years old. although by now reduced to only 1 Annas in Kaithi-Khewat, (the share of a Co-parcenary in Zamindari rights, evolved by Jonathan Duncan under orders of Lord Cornwallis (who died in Ghazipur) for settling the Zamindari rights to Raghuvanshies on a corporate basis Bharat Singh was the finest farmer and practitioner of “Seer-Khudkast” in the entire Katehar. All the village used to depute their bullocks to somehow finish his thrashing of Ravi crops, before trains struck, as it was such a huge job that his own live –stock could never finish it in time. He did produce two maunds to a bigha in the alluvial land, enough oil seeds to be able to meet the expenses Ram Rup Singh in the Hewett Kshatriya High School and then in the University of Allahabad for his graduation culminating in his success in Civil Services Examinations of 1922.
Nevertheless he underplayed status to the prosperous gentry coming to him for the marriage of boys in the family, but surely all of eastern U.P. and Bihar knew that his was the most prominent house (not exactly in terms of the 1st house of Katehar) and the seat of the Raghuvanshy dynasty but certainly and colloquially in terms of “Takht” (the throne) of the Raghuvanshies as people of two three generations ago spoke in the eastern U.P. till the nineteen sixties (e.g. Raghuvansh Prasad Singh in Sasaram- a cousin of my wife to be married after one year or so.)
Growth of the Babu Gharana through the handsome earnings of Hazari Singh (Babu Jag Lal Singh) in Hyderabad estate, brought down the prominence of Sees Chand House in mid nineteenth century once more when a hermit like father of Bharat Singh and son of the 1857 martyr Jaipal Singh gave away large holdings of alluvial land (e.g. Survey No. 34 of 17 Bighas (17 lathas broad in width) to another household and because of the stigma of a slain father which eventually made him leave the house for ever (except to return just once on the demise of his 110 years old hermit son.) He had to go incognito (Maqboobul Khabar) whose whereabouts were not known, as enquiries would be made about his father whose name the great Maha-Yogi (as per Bhrigu-Sangita of pt. Parmeshwar Dwivedi) had the guile to change in the revenue records of 1883-84’s permanent settlement. The family was down and bested by close cousins in wealth and holdings and influence (who paid Rs. 9000/- revenue rent per year- one of the highest in Benares district of the yore) and name of Babu Bachcha Singh (Deep Narin Singh) son of Jag Lal Singh was mentioned in the Benares Gazetteer by the young British ICS Collectors. Their vast Zamindari gave another identity to Kaithi Raghuvanshies as the “Babuan” the landed gentry) a joke for other fifty seven households sharing 2292 Bighas, forever being fragmented from generation to generation by the early twentieth century sending a son to boarding school in Varanasi was tough economically and women-folk had to come in support of their sons through their parental presents and help.
By and by the intelligent youngsters made the grade with the help of the institution started by Rajarshi Udai Pratap Singh Judeo of Bhinga. I always express my gratitude to Raja C.K. Singh of Bhinga, for what his great grand father did for impoverished sons of Kings of Ayodhya only a simple recommendation from Principals Clarke or Capt. Long would ensure the entry of a lanky Raghuvanshi lad to the post of a Police Sub- Inspector. Others excelled in Civil Service examinations, but denied the I.C.S. owing to strict age-limit of 21 & 22 whereas city born boys become ICS even if standing second to the Raghuvanshi worthy (e.g. late Sri. K.N. Wanchoo who become Chief Justice of India) other than the three households of the “Babus”. (who were already living in style) also started showing improvement in life- style, clothing and city dwelling (from where they were won’t to return to their home-land). Mostly Bajra and barley was used for chapattis with plenty of Arhar dal (lentil) which they grew plentiful on their land. Milk was in abundance ghee and butter and curds was supplied by the Yadavas community, who helped in cultivation also. Delicacies of ‘Tilkut’ was so unique that I recognized it to be a product of my village, eating a “Tilkut” in Varanasi twenty years after having left the village (on the demise of my father). The DMET Bombay cadets used to clamour for “Chana-barfi” made from the inside pulp of green gram and pasteurized milk that one could mistake it for ‘Pistachio barfi’. Hordes of Malahins used their dirty nails for removing the skin of green-gram to get to the soft pulp inside, a painstaking job. Those were the fringe benefits of living in the house of Sees Chand. But how can I forgot (perhaps owing to my diabetes) the glorious “Churma” of jaggery, hot ghee for dipping (and soaking) rotund Bazra litties (round baked bread) crushing It with jaggery to create out of the world delicacy of the people living on the rough and tumble terrain where flows the life sustaining and eternally blissful mother Ganges.
The Ganges has always played a big role in the life of the Raghuvanshies. The world has now acknowledged Dileep, Ambarish and Bhagirath as the first civil Engineers to turn the tide of the Ganga from east to west at its source, the Gangotri, to bring life giving stream to the hot and dusty bowl of the great Indian plains. Of recent Rai Chan Singh Judeo worshiped the Ganga in Kaithi and received the legendry “Tega” (sort of a sword) to show his valour to a King Emperor (certainly not Shahjahan as described by our Bard Banshi Kavi- as the glorious years of that emperor (Oct. 28, 1627 to June 7, 1631) coincides with the times of Sri Kishun or his son Narsinh Bhan, seven generations after Rai Chan Singh Judeo- see genealogical table of Sees Chand) and receive the grant of Pargana Bayalasi. Then a cousin of Sees Chand, Raja Doman Deo was able to flee from the clutches of Shershah Suri’s Commander-in –chief owing to the sudden flash floods in the river to block the troops of the C-in-C perusing Doman Deo on the river from Kutighat at Kaithi. Doman Deo established another settlement at Laxamangrh across the river, after his mud-fortress of Chandravati was demolished by the infuriated General. Later In the times of Bharat Singh people rendered the Ganga so much that they dare not use the Ganga-waters for toilet purpose and water from the wells was kept ready by the servants for that purpose. From young to old all bathed in Ganga and took the holy water to cool and rever Lord Shiva, the reigning deity by the name of Markandey Mahadev- one of the twelve original Adi (ancient) Lings (idols) and he blessed them with prosperity and well- being since the time Rai Chan Singh Judeo came to Kaithi at the age of five. The river gave us immense happiness beginning early morning when we swam for hours and had a jumping platform at Raja-ka Ghat on which one ran at full speed and jumped in the deep gorge as if jumping from a diving board of a swimming pool. The water was crystal clear only as recently as in early fifties of the last century. In summers we often crossed the somewhat narrowed stream to eat water-melons across the river and it become quite dark when we returned home and out of fear of my strict mother I simply ate and slept across the street at my favorite uncle’s place, until my father came back from the town (generally the Kutchery) and took me home. No mother would hit or could scold a sleepy child- so crossing the Ganges at age eleven (and returning also by swimming) and go scot-free. That was life, until of course, my father died at age 34, by poisoning . I was simply shattered. My agony knew no bound and I was not ready to leave the house of Sees Chand at the age of thirteen to go to Nainital, where my uncle was a Divisional Commissioner and my cousins had a eleven hundred acres farm in Kichha and Hazaratpur. Things deteriorated rapidly and badly as everyone wanted to see an end to the glory and prosperity of the great house of Bharat Singh the revered sage, the most successful farmer in the entire Katehar, the Senior most member and the direct lineal descendant of Sees Chand and Rai Chan Singh Judeo, who came to Kaithi in the middle of the fifteenth century. The history of the 1st House of Katehar, of more than five hundred years had reached the culmination point. A grand nephew of the sage was bent upon squandering his share of property in the land and wanted to de-alienate from the House of Sees Chand that he sold his share to me and my uncle on 8.11.54 for a pittance and vacated the grand house for building another palace somewhere else. Then came the turn of Ram Rup Singh, Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh to get rid of the burden of the Rai Chan Singh estate in Kaithi, first by giving a dolly present to a co-brother-in-law in the village, surely at the behest of my aunt, whose sisters family was out-pouring from their own abode in our back-yard.
The return of the prodigal –Son
The price was fixed. The dates of House-warming and Registry were marked, but a chance (of destiny) visit of my kaka (uncle who left our House) to 21, Vidhan Sabha Marg (the one time House of the Secretary of State for the Govt. of India) our bungalow in Lucknow and in response to my warmth shown to him, his valuable utterances to my heart more than to my mind, made me quit my job to resurrect, rebuild, repair and rehabilitate the old house of Sees Chand at the cost of U.S. $ 3000.00 per month for next twenty years. My dear brother and his good lady may recall my telegram to my uncle in New Delhi of my grandiose announcement of arriving to salvage the Kaithi-property. Little did I know then that It was my umbilical-chord with the House of Sees Chand that had brought me back to Kaithi and not the hundred bighas of Seer Khudkasht of Bharat Singh (after partition with his brother’s son- who was on the spending spree). Al though I did every thing for the House, spent all my money received in my marriage ceremony,got bricks,steel and cement from my in–laws, painted and brushed the beautiful teak doors, made the courtyard anew for rain-water outlet, repaired the roof every year, removed leaky half-complete brick-walls from the first floor and used steel and concrete to cast a waterproof wall- base on the 1st floor and secured the house tight for next two generations, but I did not know that this alone was the purpose of my life and the rest was all by the way, which dawned upon me at the time of the last ceremonies of my mother, at the time of the last rites of the lady who hated the house the most, for keeping her away from the hub-hub of Varanasi town where she was brought up, who hated the water drainage system of the Courtyard (Which I got fixed in a jiffy, after a survey and inspection of the drilled stone block all the way out of the house (because I had a positive feeling for the house). But by now, my good lady has spent all my newly acquired U.S. dollars in ten years sailing on twenty ships of as many companies of the foreign owners. I felt like a lame duck. I had become diabetic and was already sixty five years old. Then came the lady with a luck and I got myself fixed again, with some what subdued temper and with a mission. I have to now see how far I do succeed in my mission in short span of my life that has been granted by the astrologers. Now when I could do something I am running short of time. I have wasted so much time, just sleeping it away (for lack of funds to be able to do something) or in the coffee House of LKO with good for nothing and forever hopeful politicians, in the Boat house club, or on the Golf Course in persuit of things that the rich men do only to while-away their time and spend their money.
So here I am serving on a ship again, saving for Sees Chand’s name, fame and most of all his House, where I too was born. My wife thinks I want more money so that I could marry my younger daughter off to an IAS officer or something. And I have to save my money from my good lady, or else she will start on the fourth floor of her grand villa in the town. Why all these ladies want to go to the town? And desert Sees Chand and his beautiful House, on sprawling Rai Chan Singh estate, when ultra modern Romeos dating Divina lock-heeds to Marie clad lelangs, driving down to Switzerland in sleek automobile hired from Hertz in Genoa and Venetzia, can leave the European continent just like that and come and sleep on bare cots but from the adjoining house-hold? They are all called “Baba” or the sage, may it be Baba Pukar Rai or Baba Doman Deo (until Shershah Suri crowned him on his return from Bangal expedition and apologized for his commander-in-chief’s insolence) or Bharat Baba and Ram Sunder Baba, because the last king of Ayodhya had denounced the kingdom and kinghood (as to why is still not clear to me as there exists a gap of a hundred years between the dates of Maharaj Nain Deo leaving Ayodhya and Syed Salar Jung-Ghazi Mian’s resolve to kill five great Hindu kings of Mathura, Kashi & Ayodhya where he was slain himself by Suhel Deo) and came to Benares or Kashi, which was either his in- laws kingdom or became that after king’s daughter Bindumati was enamoured by the aging sage from Ayodhya , whom she was allowed to serve as a maiden. So it was writ that since the kingdom of Ayodhya was given-up all Raghuvanshies should live the life of a hermit but the ladies like Bindumati and Rani Mriga did not allow that sort of hardship either for themselves or for their children. Bindumati got the grant of Dobhi and Katehar for her consort, like Rani Mriga got the fighting force of Raja Balrampur to chase away the “Seories” from the selected areas of Katehar to allow her grand children to settle in Kaithi, Chandravati and other places, like, kharauna Gopalpur, Rampur, Tekuri and Nurdipur while Baba Pukar Rai had a ‘Kot’ – a small earthen fortress built and constructed a House for the safety of his three queens and twelve sons and numerous grand-children, from where Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo operated and sent away his brothers, sons, and nephews to conquer new fields for their cultivation for their families sustenance. They had horses, as the confrontation of Sees Chand and Doman Deo took place while at least Doman Deo was seated on a horse back. Agin even in the mid-eighteenth century, when Raja Balwant Singh of RamNagar was sacking villages after villages in Mirzapur Jaunpur and Varanasi the Raghuvanshies of Katehar operated on a Corporate basis and maintained a military force of Cavalry and foot soldiers, more likely in defense of their own existence in Katehar from the new Jagirdar of 96 Parganas under the Nawab of Avadh to whom the writ of Raja Banar or the proclaimation or “Sanad’ of Emperor Sher Shah Suri favouring the Raghuvanshies did not matter one bit and sacked they would be if they can be by the midnight slaughter of marauding forced of Raja Balwant Singh son of Mansha Ram a vassal of the hard drinking and debauch Mansabdar , always in deficit of payment of the annual rent of seven lakhs to the Nawab of Awadh, hence removed and killed on the river barge and pushed in water in a drunken stupor, making a new Zagirdar, (Mansha Ram) who survived only a year, the reins taken over by his able son, a brilliant military man, administrator wily rent-payer and great benefactor of his own people (kith and kin mostly). He even antagonized his chieftens by marrying a Raghuvanshi princess who made her son the Raja overcoming all obstacles of the nobility of Garh Gangapur. Although he did sack Hariharpur (in Dobhi), Raja Balwant Singh wanted truce with the original settlers (after seories) of Dobhi and Katehar the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya. Surely the Harihrpur princess was a legendry beauty and was denied his overtures by her father. But at the same time element of fear of the Raghuvanshi Cavalry and fighting forces was clearly writ on his later day actions of just leaving the settlers of Katehar alone. Not one village is recorded as being sacked in Katehar by Raja Balwant Singh, though I know one or two village of Katehar which was indeed the victim of Raja Balwant Singh’s grand design, which spread across the ninety –six parganas of his domain- which is like the old Benares Commissioneriat, it including Mirzapur, Jaunpur, Ghazipur and Ballia Districts and now two or three Commissionaries of Mirzapur, Varanasi and Azamgarh from one end to another.
At that stage as Jonathan Duncan postulates ,later that the Raghuvanshies must have created a Corporate nature of their Zamindari or landed holdings in Katehar and appointed Lambardars for collecting revenues rent from all the Co-parceners and deposit it with the ‘Amils’ (contractors before Cornwallis’ permanent settlement) if the Amils (40 for 96 parganas) had the superior force to enter a Raghuvanshi hamlet. I cannot imagine th ‘Amils’ operating in Kaithi, Rampur of Tekuri. Duncan and Cornwallis(he came twice and died in Ghazipur) may have devised the means of calling the bluff of the Raghuvanshy war-lords (thanks to Shershah crowning Doman Deo with a proclamation of both Dobhi and Katehar as rent free holdings of the Raghuvanshies (Check Cornell University Archives for that ‘Sanad’ as described by Mr. R.C. Singh former Director of Archaeological Survey Deptt. As sovereign cultivators backed by the cavalry and the foot soldiers (Numbers are given in the Records of India House, London in the Report of the Agent in Varanasi to the Governor General in Council at Calcutta of the Corporate nature of Taluquedari (Ducan may have picked the term from the Taluquedari system prevalent in Awadh) of Pargana Katehar. Cornwallis sent Duncan to this area promising what Raja Todar Mal and the finest Revenue administrators like Shershah failed to accomplish –to put the land permanently (covered by self liquidating mortgage) in the name of the cultivators. A written and genuine record of sorts and the simple minded Raghuvanshies of the Yore, were delighted and fell for the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis. What Shershah and Todar Mal and ‘Amils’ and Raja Balwant Singh could not achieve the wily British achieved and even today it is hailed as a land-mark in revenue administration, the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis . It was done upto Jaunpur limits when Lord Cornwallis died and stopped short of reaching the Taluquedars of Awadh. So the “Seer Khudkasht” Zamindars of the reknowned Permanent Settlement (or Istamarari or Duncani - Bandobast) started paying rent to the District Collectors of the John Company Sahab Bahadur. What a joke ! what was proclaimed as a free-hold by Sher Shah, become a “Seer Khudkasht” and happily everyone paid the cess.
Zamindari rights Sarmuayeeam However, the quinquennial and octennial settlements of the alluvial lands between two Zamindars on the either side of a river (kharauna, and Kusahni etc. across river Gomti ,for instance) was included in the holdings of Raghuvanshies from Pandeys of Bhaidaora, and our co-parceners the Raghuvanshies –Zamindars of Rampur and Tekuri. Shiv Ratan Singh must have been the occupant in the house of Sees Chand.,at that time. He was some one special even to Bharat Singh (Baba) as in the annals of the Pandas of Gaya –he mentions his name as Dada (Which could be for great grand father) and not of Baba (Grand father) Jaipal Singh. I may get something later, to dwell upon my paper read in ICHR’s Kurukshetra University session in the late seventies. The division of quinquennial settlement also had to be done around 1840 and names of his three brothers Shiv Sahay Singh, Shiv Ram Singh , and Shiv Shanker Singh were entered in the revenue records, but being the eldest and his son Jaipal Singh having joined the forces of veer Senani Babu Kunwar Singh, his grandson Ram Sunder Simgh’s name appears along side with that of his three grand-fathers. The fourteenth generation of the eldest sons lived at the same time when other’s twelve or eleventh generation was their contemporary, like Babu Ganga Prasad Singh son of Buddhan Singh (eldest brother of Jag Lal Singh alias Hazari Singh of Hydrabad fame, but the name of Deep Narain Singh alias Bachcha Singh does not appear in the “Sazra” of Mauza Kaithi around 1840 (the main Genealogical table). In fact the youngest brother of Sees Chand, Laxmi Chand’s only eleveth generation was the contemporary of Sees Chand’s fourteenth generation Ram Sunder Singh .. Having been given only one and a half Anna in the “Khewat” (Zemindari rights in U.P.) this was also the time that the eleventh generation of Laxmi Chand left Kaithi and settled near Tekuri, calling the hamlet as “Laxmi Chand Ka Pura”. They too are extinct now.
I understand that (and even from my own experience in the seventies, rubbing shoulders with mighty and rich family harvested cousins) in the alluvial lands new settlements every five or tem years (e.g. 1883-84, 1901, 1934 and 1945-46) the presence on the spot with the Patwaries and Kanungos of the younger generation of the Zamindars mattered equally as much as the share in the “khewat” as it was question of showing physical possession of the land that had accrued than just the automatic accretion in front of one’s plot having the settlement Number or additional quinquennial settlement numbers. Some hotchpotch can be noted and seen by reading the old settlement records’ transaction from Urdu. But people of those days really did not mind a few acres being usurped by a needy cousin being in possession of fewer pies (196 to a rupee of the khewat). However. Here it should suffice to illustrate that by now sons and grand sons of Baba Pukar Rai and Rani Mriga were well-versed in the art of cultivation and land-management while ostensibly maintaining the veneer of a Zamindar of the permanent settlement. It is necessary for me to write on the topic for future generations sake for them to understand the various G.O.S. of the Govt. (Revenue Secretary- G.C. Chaturved’s to Atahar Hussain’s) that they are not fooled by the Patwaries and Kanungos and greedy land-grabbers from across the river. I have already got a name for the book “Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial Mahal of Kaithi”. Soon after this work I wish to collect all my papers of twenty-five years and finish the work.
Pre –eminence of Bharat Singh
Although Pd. Parmeshwar Dwivedi described him as a Maha Yogi reading Ram Rup Singh’s Bhrigu –Sanhita, but my great grandfather was well-versed in all worldly ways. Starting from making an appeal in the case of Mussammat Hansa Kunwar (his mother) vs. Ganga Prasad Singh case No.1 of July 1901 for partition of zamindar’s dwellings as everything belonged to the person living in Sees Chand Mansion and at that time her husband having become “Maqboobal Khaner” after the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh in 1857 uprising against the East India company and for saving the property for Bharat Singh (there were two people of Village Kaithi, one from Chhayee and another Jaipal Singh who must have been black-listed by the British) and for the future of the family. The fact that she was a grand nephew’s consort (Hansa Kunwar) yet permission was required for building a house or a dwelling for servants or “Bailwa” (enclosure for the cattle) was being resented by the nuovarich cousins and the “Babu-Gharana” as it was , later, known to be. So Babu Ganga Prasad Singh made-out a suit in the court of S.D.M. and 1st Class Magistrate for partition of the holdings of the House of Sees Chand. Names of the persons of the persons in possession of the land and plots with actual measurements were entered in the records of the Tahsil and large coloured maps were made and kept in the Revenue Record-room, which came handy to me in the seventies and I took copy of the “Taqseem” of the Zamindars of Kaithi, which was honoured as a separate entity by the U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act of 1950, other than the cultivable land of which we the Zamindars become the “Bhumidhars” , vesting all our rights into the Government of Uttar Pradesh (Provincial Govt.) on 1st July 1952 (at midnight of 30th June 1952-when all the Revenue Papers (Basta) of the Patwaries (record –keepers of the villages under Tahsil) were confiscated by the S.D.Ms. by the order of the then Congress Chief Minister Pt. Govind Ballabh Pant on Radio so that no false entries were recorded as before 1359 Fasli. Talking of Bharat Singh again, the old Maha Yogi, had the worldly-wise sense of making an appeal to the allotment of certain plots as wrong and the case was Bharat Singh vs. Deep Narain Singh decided in 1904, the record of which was maintained by Babu Girish Chand Singh, a grand-son of Babu Ganga Prasad Singh. People had forgotten the old dowager princess of the House of Sees Chand was pushed in the background (as she must have expired between 1st July 1901 and 1904-when Bharat Singh appealed) and the Taqseem (partition) between the Zamindars became known as partition between Bharat Singh and Deep Chand Singh.
Later in the case of the ownership of the Markandey Mahadeo Temple in 1934. which was being claimed by the Gosains against the Zamindars of Kaithi. Bharat Singh had turned quite old and aged (born 1840) and had become much more devoted to Mahadeo, that he refused to testify in favour of the plea taken by Babu Baldeo Singh (son of Babu Ganga Prasad Singh) and other Zamindars that the Gossains were our Servants instead he declared them as servants of the “Baba” (meaning Mahadeo), which however was ruled in our favour as only the offerings on the “idol” of Mahadeo was to go to the Gossains. Actually all the Gossains in the Bazar upto the river Ganges lived on the land of Bharat Singh and he definitely had a soft corner for their lot. Later the High Court ruling was also in our favour and the Gossain Community did not bring it out even on my pleadings when the Gossains were facing the wrath of a B.J.P. Minister and were about to loose all their earnings to the S.D.M. Later the High Court held the recorded statement of Bharat Singh in high esteem and gave a favourable ruling to the Zamindars.
Gandhi and Bharat Singh : Congress historians can tell the exact date when Mahatma Gandhi passed from our village (it must have been around 34) wanting to cross the Ganges to go to Tanda etc. All the village was agog and lined-up on the Ganga ferry-ghat to see Gandhi Baba but Bharat Singh had not arrived yet, having wished to meet Gandhi- when he heard of his coming. So Gandhi sat in the boat along with all the Congressmen asking the boatmen to move- but to no avail. They were told that their own Baba wants to meet Gandhi Baba and he was coming. So thanks to Ganga and the fishermen (also inhabitants of his land) Gandhi with all his paraphernalia was kept waiting till the time the grand old man (6’-1”, ram-rod and muscular with Bhabhut on the body) appeared and walked to the Ganga ghat where the Mahatma was sitting. Mahatma Gandhi stood up with folded hands and Bharat Baba greeted similarly, the great men then turned back (without saying a word to each other) and the convoy started to cross the Ganges on their whirl-wind tour across in Chandauli Tahsil.
Nehru also held a meeting under Pakri in between Bazar and Primary School and needles to tell Bharat Baba was made to preside, as arranged by his influential cousins, specially Babu Baldeo Singh. Meeting of Rai Bahadur Hanumant Singh of Kuri-Sidhauli estate with Bharat Singh was of some consequence to his grand-son as the tie-knot of Ram Rup Singh was adjusted by the Scion of Kuri Sidhauli estate, who had gone to Kaithi in a marriage party and had the darshan (audience) of Bharat Singh. That could have been the reason for topping the list of successful candidates, which had brilliant scholars of the caliber of pt. Manna Lal Tewari C.B. Gupta’s favourite) and pt. S.N.M. Tripathi, the Gorakhpur patron saint (after retirement).
Collector Moss & Bharat Singh District Magistrate of Ghazipur in the late twenties and early thirties who passed Bharat Singh’s Chabutara, going to call on the Divisional Commissioner in Varanasi, and made it a point to stop-by to meet the grand-father of his deputy (Ram Rup Singh ) and gladly accepted the rich creamy milk done on show-heat of a “Borsi” (earthen Chulha- and also in an earthen- cooking bowl burning cowdung cakes) and demanded a glassful of the same on his return late in the night. The entire neighborhood kept awake & agog waiting for the I.C.S. officer to offer him his glass of milk, in return for which he recommended Ram Rup Singh for the title of Rai Saheb, Soonest so from Rai Khemraj Singh and Rai Chan Singh, the destiny made their descendant a Rai Saheb, properly administered by Lord Victor Linlithgo, the Viceroy of India. So this is the story of the 1st House of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, of the descendants of the first born of Baba Pukar Rai and Maharani, Mriga by name of Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo to his son who went to Kaithi at the age of five and left the estate to his son, whose son built a house on the estate of his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo, while he enjoyed , the fruits of his valour in the form of the estate of “Bayalisee” in Jaunpur. The reader must take into account my raisson d’tre for penning down this treatise and forgive me for wavering and inconsistency in the tale of the 1st House of Katehar, as for veering again and again to the theme of “Sees Cjand Mansion “ in Kaithi. After hearing tales of the construction of the latest edition of this great living edifice of the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya migrating to Varanasi; I am myself wonder-struck of my findings, so crucial in the history of survival of the important Hindu dynasties during the Moghul rule of the country, and only the ignomity of the oblivion saved the race’s, oldest dynasty and the religion. It is the “Sees Chand Mansion” and my Umblical- chord attached to it that has made this story possible, although the great man (Bharat Baba) was against demolition of the “Kuchcha Bakhari” (the old mud and earthen edifice of two stories) as he feared greed for the house itself will result in internecine bickerings amongst his descendents, but he could not say no to collector Moss and allowed the demolition while putting his son on the night vigil to guard the foundation limits (Pind) while Satya Narain Pandit made sure that not one inch diversion from the “Pind” (sacred limits) of the original foundation of the House of Sees Chand took place.
I am grateful for this information coming to me from the son of Pt. Satya Narain Pandey- during a discussion about the abandoned (for twenty years) House in front of another of my uncles who had the priviledge of being born in earlier edition of the Sees Chand Mansion.
So this house was in fact destined to last from Rai Chan Singh to Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh , who decided to give it away to a needy relative, but for my obduracy no one would have known of a House called “Sees Chand Mansion”. The new chroniclers and budding historians (of the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya) can take living and solid proof of the existence of the migrating dynasty devoid of their kingdom, but yet surviving the on-slaught of Moslem rulers and later on of Raja Balwant Singh’s night raids and massacre of entire villages of Raghuvanshies (which led to maintenance of 4000 strong foot soldiers and 500 strong Cavalry- see the an-I-Akbari 1595 translations by H.S. Jarreth and W.H. Moreland, Journal of U.P. Historical Society, 2 Pt. I. To safeguard the existence of the Raghuvansies settlers in Katehar) between 1378 A.D. and 1952 when the last in the line of first born of the first House of Katehar bid the house good-bye on the untimely and sad demise of his younger brother coinciding with the abolition of Zamindari (within three days) in Uttar Pradesh. Any one and every one took away anything they wanted or fancied including the Genealogical table of the 1st House of Katehar, mired in family squalls as envisaged by the saga Bharat Singh (Maha Yogi), the house built by Sees Chand Judeo, on the estate of his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo (arriving at the tender age of five years, escorted by maids of his grand mother Rani Mriga and servants provided by his father Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo to meditate on the banks of the Holy Ganges for next twelve years emulating Sage Mritand then his son Markedly for begetting a son and the son for achieving immortality from Lord Shiva himself while kicking the death-God Yamraj while the holy trident unhooked the death-noose of Yama from Sage Markandey’s head. Goddess Ganga (river Ganges) blessed the Young Raghuvanshy prince with deadly weapon which won him an estate in Jaunpur e.g. Pargana Bayalisee; but some how his eldest son stayed back on his estate and the house built there was credited to his son (the eldest) Sees Chand by Banshi Kavi, Pt. Satya Narainji and same related to me by pt. Radhey shyamji) almost became the stamping ground for all and sundry, including the Pasi Manager’s household who worked for our servant Kanhayee s/o Bisesar. In the verandah, there was a competition as to who would be the first to put the body of the bullock-cart, the one related to Thakur Ram Rup Singh or the one closer in the family tree. The inner Court-yard had a permanent earthen mould for holding large cooking utensils during marriages and death-feats. The eastern and southern outer courtyards (where stood the house for storing grains and cooking food, including the grinding stone floor mill) were used by ladies of the vicinity for easing themselves. The entire surrounding was full of reprisals towards the prosperity of the 1st House of Katehar and even going away of the last survivors to Nainital was like the end of the hegemony of Sees Chand
With no discernible beneficiary in sight as the closest cousin had sold his share to Ram Rup Singh and Suresh Pratap (etc.) on 8.11.1954 and left the premises, as if finally debilitating the names of Bharat Singh, Ram Sunder Singh and Jaipal Singh forever. This was like an end to the last clue to the living generation of an old and honoured dynasty, as there is no other living edifice which can boast of linking twenty one generation (in five hundred and seventy four years at a scientifically incorrect average of 27 years per generation (although Bharat Singh at 110, his father at 130 and Ram Rup Singh at 95 do defy the average) to within five generation of the last Raghuvanshy king of Ayodhya.
“Raghuvanshies in Benares”
1194 AD onwards
“Plebeians who would be kings”.
A Synopsis of Book 2 (II)
“From Publishers point of view”.
By
Suresh Pratap Singh
History of Benares region is important since the pre historic days itself, but in the middle ages as well, as the five districts of Varanasi, that is Benares, Jaunpur, Ghazipur (Including Ballia) & Mirzapur formed the ninety four parganes of the Awadh and was virtually functioning as a “Suba” (i.e. something close to a province) under various invaders administrators and rulers from the eleventh Century onwards. In fact it’s prominence had outshone the Suba of Allahabad- created by Akbar, even after the creation of ‘Allahabad’, it was like a buffer estate or region between the “Nabobs of Bangal and Nawabs of Awagh in Faizabad and later in Lucknow . although it was under the ‘Nabobs of Awadh.
Another reason for Benares becoming a battle –field of many aspiring and established rulers as it contained as its integral part, the seat of Sharqi-empire rules by Afgans and always bone of contention to the rulers of Delhi , should the Delhi rulers have predominance on the north-East and eastern part of India, including all important Suba of Bengal, for which rulers like Sher-Shah made a concerted bid to bring it under his control and domai. Similarly to sack the Afgans from the ruling fraternity of the Sub-Continent, all Delhi-Rulers were always pricked by the very existence of the power that be in the Benares region from time to time.
Even when it came well under the ‘Nabobs’ of Awadh, it’s errant rajas and revenue collectors were always doing their negotiations with the Bengal powers, the Nabobs or ‘East India Company’s Warren Hastings or Cornwallis. It was of such strategic importance to the British traders that they displayed all their expertise of diplomacy. Cunning and treachery to bring under their control the revenue collection and eventually the raja and finally the administration of Benares region. However their aspiration of empire building brought about a sea change in Benares region and relief to the agriculture and to the agriculturist, getting rid of the despotic ‘ amils’ or the agents of the rajas for collection of revenue on their behalf. There are stories related to the atrocities perpetuated by the ‘amils’ in the papers of Governor General in Council from the Company’s (East India) Agents, that are horrifying. ‘Amils’ for their self aggrandizement unhesitantly and without fail collected more than due from the ‘raiyyats ‘ and cultivators of the land and on being refused or denied beat the ‘raiyyats’ with lathis. That was very commont but what people do not know about is the punishment meted out to more stubborn ones like tying the defaulters (of ‘cess payment) between the legs of a camel and when the Camel was made to run the man tied-up would receive the kicks of the racing camel, resulting in making a pulp of a human being, which the other raiyyats watched in horror.
A man called Jonathan Duncan was appointed Agent of Benares, after having done praise-worthy work in reconstructing the revenue administration of Bengal in 1789 by Cornwallis, after raja was relegated to second place by the Nawab of Avadh at the behest of the British Conspirators of East India Company. Dunean actually did nothing absolutely new and extra-ordinary novel. He just remodeled the fundamentals of revenue administration of Raja Todar Mall and SherShah Suri, by fixing rent after cutting a test crop and evaluating average yield of a plot of land, then fix the percentage for the administration and let the poor cultivator have the rest. The state had its share set aside and ‘amils’ came under the ‘Qanungos who become officials of the administration. The tenant then on had a peaceful existence and improved cultivation with a renewed vigour and zeal, thereby bringing about a greater prosperity in the region. Later the Board of Revenue at Calcutta and the Governing Body of Directors of East India Company found the work of Jonathan Duncan so good that they made it what we call today as Permanent Settlement of Benares. Duncan came as Governor of Bombay and his brother was made Collector of Benares.
The Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya had inherited two paraganas in Benares as a dowry in around 1194, Raja Nain Deo marrying Raja ‘Banar’s daughter, Through a genealogical table in possession of the first family of pargana Katehar it is shown how they faired during all the Cataclysm in the Benares region. Resorting to maintaining a cavalry of 500 and 4000 foot soldiers to be able to resist the night slaughters of old brotherhood Zamindars, to install his own relatives by Raja Balwant Singh in the eighteenth century. How they (Raghuvanshies) got an army from their in-laws place in Balrampur to control the inhabitant tribals (Seories) in the two parganas inhabited by them, for the survival of their own expanding house hold in the beginning of the fifteenth century. The ups and downs of an entire brotherhood is used as the basis of history-telling of the region, which is as ancient as the country itself. How a trading Company became the rulers of an entire nation has been delved upon to solve the riddle of british dominance from Bengal to Benares and then to Delhi and Lucknow.
There were always brave efforts of ‘an individual and a brotherhood to resist the wily British dominance, but failing every time through treachery & deceit. And finally a surrender and acceptance, while striving to keep the growing family well fed and clothed. And eventually giving up all struggle and trying to imitate them in their life style and moral standards.
From 1194 till 1952, it may seem a story of one single Raghuvanshi family but there is an effort to depict the society, norms and habits of an entire region, through their trials and tribulations. Benares is a region, which every Hindu knows, but I could not see a single book, which may give a correct historical perspective of the region to the curiosity of a history student. Because it concerned the writer so much to know of the twenty two generation of the ancestor who lived before him in the same house, where he was born as the eldest son of the second-born in the line of direct lineal descendants in the twentieth century-and he goes on to calculate the dates- back- wards allowing about 25 years (and not 19 ½ ) for each generation to ascertain the year in which the house was built..
BOOK-II
Plebeians who would be Kings
A book about the legends of Ikshawakus and history of Raghuvanshies from seven millennium B.C. to 28.06.1952 from Asthachakra Ayodhya to Kaithi – Katehar, taking a clue from the Last Raghuvanshy King Maharaja Nain Deo’s bard Banshi Kavi, who traveled with him to Varanasi at the time of the abdicated king’s betrothal to the famous Gaharwar King Jaichand’s grand-niece Bindumati in Varanasi in 1194 A.D.; AND THEREON
An application for the magnum opus’s copyrights has been submitted to the Registrar of COPYRIGHTS, to the Govt. of India, New Delhi – 110001 on 15.11.2006, from Belapur, Navi Mumbai, by registered post with triplicate statement of Particulars and the fee paid vide postal Order No. 40F 751229, 40F 751228 AND 56E894907, with Receipt No.: - RLA6101, form Konkan Bhavan SO 400614.
MAGNUM OPUS ON THE SURVIVAL OF
THE SUN-DYNASTY OF AYODHYA
FROM SEVEN MILLENNIUM B.C. TO 28.06.1952
Around the end of the twelfth Century A.D., it became abundantly clear that living in Ayodhya wouldn’t be of any use for the descendants of Raghu – the first world conqueror – as per the great poet of Sanskrit, Kalidas, and of Sri Ram Chandra, destroyer of the great demon of Shri Lank Ravana, to continue their existence there, and their great benefactor came in the form of the villaneous Jai Chandra, the perpetuator of the Muslim on-slaught on his nephew and abductor of his daughter Sanyukta, the mighty warrior Prithviraj Chauhan. Come to think of it, there could be no one in better position to comprehend the outcome and future of the Indian sub-Continent after his nexus with Muhammad Ghori, and as he was the ruler of all three Kannauj, Kashi and Ayodhya, he arranged for the displacement of the last Raghuvanshy king Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi in the thick jungles of Paragana Katehar, sixteen miles away from the township, where the sway of the invading Afghans and Mughals was not eminent most of the time. Suitably he arranged for the betrothal of his grand niece with Nain Deo. A bard had accompanied Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi and his descendant Banshi Kavi recorded the births and deaths of the descendants of his erstwhile king in the form of a booklet, which has recorded till Sees Chand the descendant of the king, five hundred year later. And it was a pure chance that a genealogical table prepared in 1840 or so has been returned by the man who took it away by the force of habit and found it of no use written in “Baithanwa Urdu”, undecipherable even by the Urdu-reading gentry. On its final translation and recognizing the name of my great-grand father’s father, it could be established that indeed it was the house of Sees Chand where we were born, and that it was also the 1st House of Katehar. Then by the process of reverse progression, beginning with last first born at the turn of the last century, it was possible to ascertain the years of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the construction of the present day ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ lived in now for nearly twenty one generations without a break, which could have come once when the head of the 1st house entered in the plot to capture Warren Hastings in Varanasi, headed by Raja Chait Singh with assembled forces of local zamindars of 34000 strong, next when Jaipal Singh joined the forces of Kunwar Singh of Aarrah and attacked the John Company (E.I.C.) at Azamgarh, and thirdly on poisoning of three successive generations in eight years time, culminating on 28.06.1952. But yet the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ survived. However, it seems it is true now to relegate it to past and history as it’s successor and memorial to the man who settled Kaithi, Rai Chain Singh Judeo’ in 1485 and a reminder of it in the new millennium is ready to house the tablet of the genealogy of the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’, which ought to be restored for posterity and handed- over to the Archaeological Survey of India and UNESCO’s Heritage preservation.
GOING BACKWARDS in order to
establish – 1st house of Katehar’s age
as per lodging in “Sees Chand Mansion”
Starting from official age certificate of Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh
(with slight approximation for convenience sake)
First born of Sees Chand Mansion
When 25 year old
Ram Rup Singh
1925 AD
1927
Raj Kumar Singh
1900 AD
1902
Bharat Singh
1865 AD
1877
Ram Sunder Singh
1835 AD
1852
Jaipal Sing
1810 AD
1827
Shiv Ratan Singh
1785 AD
Chet Singh Alias Janak Rai
1760 AD
Udit Singh
1735 AD
Ragho Rai
1710 AD
Nanhu Rai
1685 AD
Narsingh Bhan
1660 AD
Sri Kishun
1635 AD
Baddu Rai
1610 AD
Tulsi Rai
1585 AD
Iss Chand
1560 AD
Sees Chand
1535 AD
Madan Chand
1510 AD
Rai Chan Singh Judeo
and then beyond, to establish veracity of the years recorded, by our Bard Banshi Kavi, for Deokunwar coming to Deorayee in 1380 and Pukar Rai establishing hegemony of the 1st house of Katehar at Niyar-deeh in 1435 (?)
1485 AD
-----------------------
when 25 in AD
Rai Khemraj Singh
1460 AD
Baba Pukar Rai
1435 AD
Birhaz Rai
1410 AD
Deo Kunwar (Came to Deorayee)
1380 AD
---------------------------
If we take Pukar Rai in Niyar (1435) as Samvat, then; 435-57=1378 AD as per Banshi Kave then
Pukar Rai
When 25 yrs. old being 1378 AD
Rai Khemraj Singh
1403 AD
Rai Chan Singh
1429 AD
Madan Chand
1453 AD
Sees Chand
1478 AD
Iss Chand
1503 AD
Tulsi Rai
1528 AD
Baddu Rai
1553 AD
Sri Kishun
1578 AD
Narsinh Bhan
1603 AD
Nanhu Rai
1628 AD
Ragho Rai
1653 AD
Udil Singh
1678 AD
Janak Rai alias Chet Singh
1703 AD
Shiv Ratan Singh
1728 AD
Jaipal Singh alias Purushottam Singh
1753 AD
Ram Sunder Singh
1778 AD
Bharat Singh
1803 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1828 AD
Ram Rup Singh
1853 AD
Which is absolutely absurd. So Bansi Kavi has erred and put ‘Samvat’ in place of Anno domino.
RAGHUVANSHIES IN BENARES
(1378 to 1478 to 1952)
(1435 to 1535 to 1952)
Where is Deorayee – which received Maharaj Deo Kunwar in Samvat 1380 or 1323 A.D. whose son Bhuj Rai fathered legendry Ganesh Rai to settle Dobhi in Jaunpur; and another son Birhaj Rai who fathered Baba Pukar Rai to sack Niyar of the primitive ‘Seories’ tribe from his land and settle in a ‘Kot’ (mud fortress), in Samvat 1435 i.e. year 1378 A.D. So if we prepare a table form both sides i.e. starting from Ram Rup Singh at the age of 25 in 1925 with certain amount of laxity for men like Bharat Singh who lived a very long life (105 to 110 in approximation) we reach Pukar Rai twenty generations earlier in 1435 A.D. and not Samvat, whereas 1435 Samvat means 1378 A.D. then Ram Rup Singh should achieve the age of 25 in 1853, which is absurd. So we can safely say that it was common for Bansi Kavi to confuse Samvat with A.D. and vice versa.
So before we are able to examine history books on Gahrawar dynasty’s rule in Benaras and how and when the last Gaharwar king Raja Banar handed two parganas (out of 94 paraganas of the eastern U.P. which later on formed the Banaras Commissionraite of the East India Company, and still later of the British empire of Queen Victoria and succeeding Anglo-Saxon kings and queens till the independence on 15th August 1947; we can start backwards form Rai Saheb Thakur Ram Rup Singh and his brother Rishabh Deo Singh, who together, nearly wrote the last chapter of the 1st House of the Katehar Raghuvanshies in 1952, one by buying large tracts of land in the Himalayan foot hills and another by breathing his last on 28th June, 1952 three days before abolition of Zamindari in Uttar Pradesh. For next twenty years the House of Sees Chand became derelict, neglected, and even haunted by the ghosts of people murdered in the neighbourhood by greedy co-parcenors. The house became used to theft of petty objects and pilferage and not only all the Teak wood from Gorakhpur kept for wood-work on the upper storey was lifted systematically by the keepers of the house, but even fixed Teak doors, windows and almirahs were just taken away by the co-perceners living in the vicinity.
We should be able to fix the dates for Baba Pukar Rai in Niyar, Deo Kunwar in Deorain and tally it with the dates given by Banshi Kavi the Court – Bard of the Raghuvanshies; by counting backwards form Ram Rup Singh to Sees Chand with the help of Sajra of Mauza Kaithi, prepared in the year 1840, and with the great grand father of Ram Rup Singh being the last in the line directly in the line of Sees Chand and being the fourteenth descendant also in the direct line of the eldest born,to begin with we know for certain that Ram Rup Singh was 25 years old in 1925, hence his father Raj Kumar Singh of the same age in 1900. However we have to show laxity in the case of Bharat Singh, who lived very long and died on 6th Dec. 1944, as attaining the age of 25 in 1865. Yet again his father lived for no less than 130 years and renounced the worldly ways, before the Record operation of 1883-84. Any way by the general formula used by the historians and coming to a compromise we fix 1835 for Ram Sunder Singh alias Purshottam Singh (the 1857 martyr), 1785 for Shiv Ratan Singh, 1760 for Janak Rai, 1735 for Udit Singh 1710 for Ragho Rai, 1685 for Nanhu Rai, 1660 for Narsinh Bhan, 1635 for Sri. Kishun, 1610 for Baddu Rai, 1585 for Tulsi Rai, 1560 for Iss Chand, 1535 for Sees Chand, and Proceeding beyond on the basis of Banshi Kavi’s Raghuvansh Banshavali Mahakavya, 1510 for Madan Chand, 1485 for Rai Chan Singh, 1460 for Rai Khemraj Singh, and finally 1435 for Baba Pukar Rai, which is A.D. and not Samvat.
Going beyond Birhaj Rai would have been 25 years old in 1410 and Deo Kunwar in 1385, again A.D. not Samvat so he came to deorain in 1380 as per Banshi Kavi.
Now testing the time of arrival of the last Raghuvanshi King from Brijsinhpur (across Ayodhya – which may have been done by the fear of Syed Salar Jang Ghazi Mian or some such other invader, earlier, when Ayodhya was either sacked or vacated voluntarily, but as Ghazi MIAN Was defeated and slain in the forests of Suhelawa in Baharaich by Suheldeo the exodus may have been stopped then but the Raghuvanshi kings did not actually return to Ayodhya itself). The bard’s book describes the arrival of Maharaj Nayan Deo in Rajghat, Varanasi in Samvat 1207.
Again mention of Samvat is wrong as then Kashi was ruled by the most illustrious king of the Gahadavals dynasty, viz. Govind Chandra (1114-1154 A.D.), whereas Raja Banar was the legendry king of Kashi after the defeat of Jay Chandra (1170-1194 A.D.) in the battle of Chandwar (Near Firozabad in District Agra) by the armies of Shihab-ud-din Ghori, who immediately afterwards sacked Kanauj, their imperial capital. And soon after that the general of Ghorim Qutb-din-Albak attacked the city of Varanasi and destroyed more than thousand temples and built mosques on their site However after carrying away the loot on 1400 Camels, he soon forgot about the city of temples and Jayachandra’s son Harish Chandra continued to exercise authority in his ancestral kingdom till 1197 A.D. A king of Bangal Lakshmansena (1185-1202 A.D.) may have attacked Kashi and defeated Harish Chandra, to virtually end the Sovereign Hindu-rule of independent Hindu dynasty and the next King may have been the legendry King Banar, who returned from his hide-out in Kantit in Mirzapur, to erect the old Fort at Rajghat (near the confluence of Varuna and Ganga and may have had enough following and political clout to have given the city his own name. The Raghuvanshi King Nayan Deo married the daughter of the same Raja Banar in the year 1212 A.D. The dowry given to princess Bindumati were to parganas of Dobhi in Jaunpur and Katehar in Benares.
Saiyed Jamal-uddin may have been the first Muslim Governor placed Muhammad Ghori, who actually lived in Varanasi and died here. His tomb is to be seen in Jamaluddinpura, and was succeeded by Muhammed Baquar, founder of Mohalla Bauqarabad. Later on Sultan Iltutmish consolidated his hold over Varanasi in 1217-1218 A.D. Haji Idris was the Governor and built a well bearing an inscription of 1311 A.D. Muhalla Hajidaras named after him exists in the city. His tomb is in Muhalla Kazzakpura. Allauddin Khilji, when Governor of Kara-Manikpur, may have included Varanasi in his charge and administered by Azizud-din; but had no influence over the area; 1292 A.D. During the reign of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq (1321-25 A.D.), Jalal-ud-din Ahmad was in charge of Varanasi, a muhalla Jaladuddinpura is named after him. It is more than likely that in 1322 A.D. Varanasi was governed from Zafrabad (in Jaunpur) and during the reigns of Muhammad-bin-Tughluq and Firoz Tughluq, the Sultans tried to enhance their authority over the region.
In November 1353 A.D Firuz Tughluq suppressed Ilyas Haji of Bengal who had extended his territories as far as Varanasi. Only when Firuz arrived there many local Zamindars and small Rajas came forward to pay the Sultan’s cess.
Ilyas was defeated in April 1354 and Firuz re-established his authority over Varanasi. In 1394 Mohammad Shah Tughluq conferred Varanasi on Khwaja-I-Jahan, giving him the title of Malik-us-Sharqi (Lord of the East), who carved out the independent kingdom of Jaunpur, which included Varanasi. It was in the region of his successor, Ibrahim Shah Sharqi (when Muhammad Khalis was the Governor of Varanasi) that Makhdum Ashraf Jahagir Simnani (A famous Muslim Saint) visited Varanasi. It is established from the Eklingji inscription of 1429 A.D. that Rana Lakha of Mewar often gave money to the Hindu pilgrims coming to Varanasi to meet out the server taxes extracted from them by the officers of the Sultans of Jaunpur.
During the times of Mahmud Shah Sharqi (1440-1458), Gulam Amina was in-charge of Varanasi. Amina Mandvi Muhalla may have been named after him. The Sultan married a widow Raja Bibi and built a mosque Masjid Raja Bibi. A plaque in Lal Darwaja mosque in Jaunpur dates it to 1447. The material used was after the demolition of the temple of Padmeshwar built in 1296 near the temple of Kashi Vishwanath. During Hussain Shah Sharqi’s reign (1450-79) Gulam Amina continued in Varanasi, but the Sultan fortified Varanasi Garrison (1465-66), due to rise of powerful Rajput Chieftains who extended their area of influence by gradually capturing parts of the territories of the Sharqi Kingdom.
For more formidable power than that of the powerful Rajput chieftains and influential Zamindars of the region, continually harassing the Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur was the rise of another Afghan Chieftain, Bahlol Lodi in Delhi (1451 A.D.) for whom the Sharqi kingdom became the biggest hurdle in his expansionist policy. Their struggle lasted nearly thirty years when Bahlol Lodi completely overwhelmed Husain Shah Sharqi in a series of battles compelling the latter to withdraw to safe haven in Bihar and his entire territory (including Varanasi) being automatically annexed to Delhi Sultanaite. Barhak Shah son of Lodi, become Governor. Strangely and unconvincingly a Hindu Raja Joga of Jaund (Bihar) was able to form a confederacy of Hindu rulers and ousted Barbak Shah from Jaunpur in 1487-88, but soon enough there were fissures in the Hindu Confederacy and Sikander Lodi was able to restore Jaunpur Sultanaite to Barkbak Shah. Meanwhile, Hussein Shah bidding for time in Bihar, collected a large troop of Rajput Zamindars of the region in Jaunpur and Varanasi (Katehar’s Raghuvanshies are recorded of having 500 Horsemen and 4000 foot soldiers even as late as 1790 or thereabouts) and headed to twenty five miles east if city to meet Sikandar Lodi aided by Salbahan of Phaphamau and fierce battle took place, causing the end of Husain Shah, who fled to Bengal, Sikander Lodi conferred the Subah of Jaunpur on Jamal Khan. Hasan Khan , Sher Shah Suri’s father receiving in Jagir, Tanda, across Kaithi, where remnants of Jagirdars quarters can be seen even today. Hasan Khan entrusted the management of these territories to Sukha, father of Khawas Khan. Fourth wife of Sher Shah’s father had turned our Sher Shah from her husband’s household in Sasaram and Sher Shah had also found it worthwhile to renounce the household of his father earlier as a young boy to take shelter in the horse-stable of the Raghuvanshi chieftain Doman Deo, a first cousin of Sees Chand of the first House or Katehar in Kaithi. Incidently Tanda’s full name is Khawaspur Tanda. A paper read in XLI History congress in Dec. 1980 called “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Deo “1501 to 1515” is to be annexed, for perusal of an interesting amateur work, twenty five years ago.
Sukha and Khawas Khan were the supporters of Sher Shah or Farid Son of Hasan Mian of Sasaram and on Sukha being killed by Sulaiman his step brother, Sher Shah took patronage of the successor of Jamal Khan, Junaid Barbas (the Mughal Governor of Jaunpur) and entered the services of Babur.
During the rule of Sultans of Delhi, Varanasi became the center of religious and reformist activities. The Bhakti movement and the Rama cult in Northern India prospered under Ramanand in the fourteenth century. His disciple Kabir (born 1398) made greatest efforts to inculcate the spirit of harmony between Hinduism and Islam. Ravidas and Guru Nank founder of Sikhism also came to Varanasi. Vallabhacaharya the Vaishnava saint and exponent of Krishna cult was born in Varanasi and studied here. Vallabhacharya was born in 1479 and came from South but stayed here for good.
After the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi in 1526 (Panipat) the Afghans seized the eastern provinces and Varanasi once again came under their control. Mahmud Lodi was incarnated the new Sultan. Babur’s son Humayun, however, again took control of the region as far as Ghazipur in 1527. But no sooner his back was turned Afghans again took control and drove away the Mughal garrison from Varanasi. And it took another two years for Babur to return and place Jalal-uddin as in charge of the garrison at Varanasi.
Now it was the turn of Sher Shah to return to Afghan flock and help Mahmud Lodi gather a strong Army of 100000 to oust Jalal-uddin from Varanasi.
Babur’s successor Humayun came to Varanasi in 1532 to negotiate with Sher Shah for surrender of Bihar. Later in 1538 Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah in the battle of chausa.
In 1538-39 Sher Shah came to Varanasi and besieged the garrison. Governor Mir Fazli and a Mughal General Khan Khanan- Yusuf Khail were put to death, while Humayun’s territory was ravaged and immense booty from Bahraich, Sambhal and Kannauj was acquired while he was in Varanasi. Eventually he defeated Humayun in Kannuj in 1540 and became the Emperor. Founder of Muhalla Usmanpura, Usman Khan was Governor of Varanasi in that period.
I quote from page 49 of the authoritative version forwarded by the eminent Advisory Board, consisting of Dr. Radha Kamal Mukherjee, Dr. Baljit Singh, Dr. B. G. Prasad, Dr. Bireshwer Prasad , Dr. B. R. Mishra, Dr. C. D. Chatterjee, Dr. G. C. Pande, Dr.S.M.Ali, Dr.S.N.Chaturvedi Dr.S.Nurul hasan, Shri. S. R. Sharma and Srimati R. B. Joshi, the following passage on Raghuvanshi Rajputs, their ancestors, Doman Deo and Emperor Sher Shah.
“Traditions assert that the Raghuvanshi proprietors of Jalhupur and Sheopur owe their rise from the days of Sher Shah when Doman Deo, their ancestor (who was ninth in descant from Deo Kunwar the founder of these settlements) received from Sher Shah the rent – free grant of the whole Pargana of Katehar. The place he made his headquarters was named Chandravati after his wife (or his daughter) and he also built a massive fort there on the steep bank of Ganga the ruins of which are a reminder of his prowess. Nearly all the Raghuvanshies claim descent from him but it seems in his day the clan was already numerous and that many branches from the original home at Deorain had planted themselves in the different parts of the region. For a long time after his death the Raghuvanshies retained their possession intact and spread beyond the Ganga into the Barah and Mahuari parganas.”
The city of Varanasi was one of the important places on the Grand Trunk Road built by Sher Shah. After the death Sher Shah’s successor Islam Shah two afghan Chieftains Taj Khan and his brother occupied the old Suri jagir of Tanda. Later,Adil Shah took control of Tanda,across Kaithi on the Ganges and much later it became a possession of the Raghuvanshies who retained their possession intact and spread beyond the Ganga into the Barah and Mahuari pargana
A mint was established in Varanasi as early as 1555, in the reign of Ibrahim shah Suri in 1561, Ali Quli Khan – Zaman was granted in Jagir the Sirkars of Varanasi, Jaunpur and Ghazipur, and some parganas in the Sirkar of Avadh and Manikpur so as to subdue the Afghans. On Jan. 24, 1566 Akbar reached Varanasi enroute to the fort of Chunar, to dispossess Ali Quli to confer them on Munim Khan-e-Kan-I-Khanan, who in turn conferred the Sirkar of Varanasi on Bayazid Biyat (author of Tazkira-I-Humayn wa Akbar). Then Akbar went to Jaunpur and Siknder and Bahadur Beg Khan seized Varanasi and made Asad Khan in-charge. However, in 1567 Akbar again suppressed them near Jaunpur. The story goes that when he came to Varanasi people shut their doors on him. He was furious, but later forgave them. The territory was re-conferred on Munim Khan Khan-I-Khanan, who again posted Bayazid Biyat as Fauzdar of Varanasi.
This was the time of Iss Chand only son of Sees Chand and they ploughed their land peacefully, while Afghans and Mughals fought and sacked each other, having no time to deal with petty independent land owners trying to elk-out a meager living inside the dense forest and sixteen miles away from the scene of skirmishes and battles between the usurpers of the great continent. The confederation of the descendants of the twelve sons (12 Rais of Katehar of Baba Pukar Rai of Niardeeh, maintained a military of 500 horses and 4000 foot soldiers. Although close to Suri kings, they kept quite aloof in the wars between the Afghans and Mughals, and were left alone generally mostly owning to their distant isolation from the main stream of city and Sirkar of Varanasi, so much so that people like Bharat Singh visited Kashi, just once every year to worship in Kashi Vishwanath temple and return poste haste to attend to Markanday Mahadeo in their own village.
In 1569 Raja Todar Mal, a Tandon amongst the Khatris and the Ravenue Minister of the great Moghal, visited Varanasi and met with a petition of the Hindus against the sacrilegious acts of the Fauzdar Bayazid. They were directed to the Governor in Jaunpur, Munium Khan and Bayazid removed himself on its knowledge.
Akbar again came to Varanasi in 1574 on Bengal Campaign. He came by the river route, stayed three days before proceeding to Patna downstream. In 1575 Munim Khan became viceroy of Bengal, and government of Jaunpur, Varanasi and Chunar was placed in the hands of Mirza Mirak Rizvi and Shaikh Ibrahim Sikri for a short while, before Muhammad Masum Khan. Faran Khadi became the Fauzdar of Jaunpur. Some important administrative changes were made in 1584, Varanasi becoming a Sirkar in the newly constituted Subah of Illahabad (Allahabad). Tarsum Muhammad Khan became Governor and in 1589 to 1591 even the illustrious Abdul Rahim Khan-I-Khanan held the post, those were the times of Tulsi Rai in Kaithi. In 1591, he was succeeded by Qulij Khan for three years when came Mirza Yusuf Khan.
Sant Tulsidas (1532-1623) lived in Varanasi and composed the epic, “Ramcharitmanas”. About the city of Varanasi Abul Fazal syas. Benares is a large city situated between the two rivers… It is built in the shape of a bow of which the Ganga forms the string. Ralpa Fitceh the English traveler who visited Varanasi in 1583 speaks of cloth industry of this place. It was already famous for cultivation of beetle leaf. In Akbar’s time there was a mint in Varanasi and it turned out Copper coins.
About the administrative divisions that comprised the region now covered all of Chandauli Tahasil belonging to the Sirkar of Chunar. The component mahals were the same as the present parganas, except Barah or Tanda Practically the whole of the Varanasi Sirkar lay in the present district, but did not include the pargama of Bayalsi, which was gifted to the Raghuvanshi warrior, Rai Chan Singh Judeo, son of the first son of Rani Mriga and Baba Pukar Rai and who shifted to Kaithi to worship on the banks of Ganga, his grand-mother having set a living quarter for her tender-aged grand son, where Madan Chand continued to live and Sees Chand built the first house of Raghuvanshi settlers in Kaithi, followed by Doman Deo, son of Uga Thakurai and grand son of the youngest brother of Rai Chan Singh Judeo. According to the genealogical table of Mauza Kaithi, Rai Chan Singh must have attained the age of 25 in 1485A.D. and must have sought audience of Bahlol Lodi’s son Barbak Shah, who was appointed Governor or Jaunpur under Delhi Saltanaite in 1479. And a gift of Bayalsi in Jaunpur must have been made to Rai Chan Singh by either Barbak Shah, but rather unlikely by Bahlol Lodi in Delhi. By 1494, Sikander Lodi conferred the Subah of Jaunpur to Jamal Khan, while Hasan Khan (father of the Sher Shah) received Tanda (Khawaspur) across Kaithi as Jagir. There must have been a re-approachment between Hasan Khan and Rai Chan Singh over Bayalsi,which a grand nephew of Rai Chan Singh, Doman Deo, found it expedient to gift away to Bais Rajputs, whom he freed from the prisons of Sher Shah, during his visit to Delhi to honour an invitation from Sher Shah, in 1544 or thereabout.
The cultivated area of Varanasi was 2,55,598 bighas and the land revenue was 1,61,49,381 dams which figures we will compare with that at the time of Duncan. The “mahal” (a terms used by Duncan) of Katehar corresponded to the modern parganas of Katehar and Sultanipur and was owned by Raghuvanshies. They had the unusually large contingent of 500 cavalry and 4000 infantry and paid 18,74,230 Dams on 30,495 bights of cultivation. The mahal of Afrad was made up of scattered blocks, which are now chiefly in the parganas of Kaswar, Dehat Amanat and Katehar. It had in all 10655 bighas of cultivated land and a revenue of 8,53,226 dams and was owned by Rajputs and Brahmans, who contributed 400 foot soliders. Kolasla (or Kolah) belonged to the Sircar of Jaunpur and was a Rajput ‘mahal’ with 24,251 bighas under the plough and was assessed at 13,65,332 dams and supplied two horsemen and 300 infantry. Tanda (in Sircar Chunar), which is now “Barah” yielded revenue of 4,88,010 dams. Mahaich, which continues to bear its old name (Sircar of Chunar, then) yielded a revenue of 3,90,609 dams and the cultivated area being 7950 bighas. Most of the area comprising of tahsil Chakia may be identified with Pargana Mangror in Sircar Rohtas of Subah Bihar. It yielded a revenue of 9,24,000 dams.
In Jahangir’s time in 1618 the fauzdar was Khwajah Muhammad Saleh. Mohalla Khwajapura is named after him. Earlier (1611 A.D.) Mirza Chin Qulij held Jaunpur and Varanasi as ‘Fauzdar’.
In Jahangir’s time Varanasi was famous for manufacture of Turbans, cummerbunds, cloth and garments (specially for women), copper pots, dishes, basins and other articles of common uses.
In Shahjahan times (1632) when Baddu Rai and Sri Kishun were living in the first house of Katehar (and not Rai Chan Singh Judo as reported by Banshi Kavi on the destroyed copies of the records of his ancestors and it seems on more whimsical surmises of his own), it was reported by Abdul Hamid Lahori (the official author of Shah Jahan’s reign) that “It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol Temples had been begun, but remained unfinished at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his dominions in every place all temples that had begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahabad that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares. Only Shah Jahan’s son Dara Shukoh, a man of Catholic sympathies, was anxious to find a meeting point for Hinduism and Islam. He got together a number of pundits from Varanasi and completed the translation of Upnishads under his patronage; Kavindracharya led a deputation to Shah Jahan to remit the pilgrim tax imposed at Varanasi and Allahabad.
There is a grave in Kolasala, which is said to be of Mir Muhammed who may have been a Faujdar of the area in the second year of Shah Jahan’s region.
Much action took place near Varanasi around 1658, during the times of Sri Kishun and Narsinh Bhan in Kaithi, When Dara Shukoh’s son Sulaiman defeated Shuja (the Governor of Bengal) at Bahadurpur, five miles east of Varanasi, but when he had to retire from Varanasi as his father had been defeated by Aurangzeb at Samugarh, Shuja re-occupied Varanasi and extracted rupees three lakhs from the merchants of Varanasi. But he also was driven out of the place by Aurangzeb’s army.
During the early days of Aurangzeb Khwaja Sadiq Badakhsi was the Faujdar of Varanasi and was followed by Arsalan Khan. Two years later, Khizer Khan was made the faujdar in succession to his brother Arssalan Khan.
When certain priests were harassed by local Muslim officers, they appealed to the emperor, who issued a firman dated Feb. 28th 1659, to the Faujdar of Varanasi that the priests were not to be disturbed in the legitimate discharge of their religious duties, but that no new temples were to be built.
In the same year Aurangzeb got the temple of Kirti Bisheshwar destroyed and built on the site, with some of its material, the Almgir mosque which stands near the temple of Ratneshwar and bears the date of 1068 A.H. (1659 A.D.). The style of the old temple indicate that the temple must have been about six or seven centuries old at the time of its destructions. Hindus still visit the spot as they consider it to be a place of sanctity and worship. A part of the courtyard (perhaps taking it to be remnant of the old temple), particularly on the occasion of Shivratri when at least till the middle of the nineteenth century, crowds thronged the spot and made their offerings which were nicely appropriated by the mullah of mosque. (Sheering sacred city of the Hindus (London PP. 312-314)
On April 9th, 1669 Aurangzeb issued order to the provincial Governor for the demolition of Hindu temples and Schools, which the faujdar of Varanasi carried out by pulling down number of temples in the city including those of Vishwanath and Bindumadhava. A mosque was built on the site of each two high minarets. Aurangzeb also renamed the city Muhammadabad and issued coins from the mint here, bearing his name. The new name got out of use with the emperor’s death.
In 1674 Visheshwar of Gaga Bhatt of Varanasi was summoned to Shivaji’s coronation ceremony. Shivaji may have come to Varanasi in 1665, on way to meet Aurangzeb in Agra, or while fleeing back from Agra to Deccan.
During the reign of of Aurangzeb,the French traveler Tavernier,visited Varanasi on Dec. 12 & 13th 1665 and has left graphic accounts of the idol of Bindumadhava, the markets, ghats and the mosques built by Muslim rulers and the stupa at Sarnath. He wrote: “Benares is a large and well-built town, the majority of the houses being of brick and cut-stone, and more lofty than those of other towns of India, but it is very inconvenient that the streets are so narrow. It has several carvan sarais, and, among others, one very large and well-built. In the middle of the court there are two galleries where they sell cottons, silken stuffs, an other kinds of merchandise. The majority of those who vend the goods are the workers who have made the pieces and in this manner foreigners obtain them at first hand. These workers, before exposing anything for sale, have to go to him who holds the contract, so as to get the imperial stamp impressed on the pieces of calico or silk, otherwise they are fined and flogged. The town is situated to the north of Ganges, which runs the whole length of the walls, and two leagues further down a large river joins it from the west. The idolaters have one of their principal pagodas in Banares.”
Speaking about the Brahmans of Varanasi, he says, “The first caste is that of the Brahamans or Philosophers of India who specially studied astrology … and they are so skilled in their observations that they do not make a mistake of a minute in foretelling eclipses of the sun and the Moon … This caste is the most noble of all because it is from among the Brahmanas that the priests and ministers of law are selected. But as they are very numerous and cannot all study in their University the majority of them are ignorant and consequently very superstitious, those who pass as the most intellectual being the most arrant sorcrers.”
Another French traveler was Bernier, who has left an interesting account of the city and its institutions. He goes on, “The town of Benares, seated on the Ganges, in a beautiful situation, and in the midst of an extremely fine and rich country, may be considered the general school of Gentiles” and goes on to describe the educational system obtaining here.
During the closing years of Aurangzb’s reign, Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur, erected the famous observatory at Varanasi. It seems from “khulasat-ut-tawarikh” that in Aurangzb’s time the system of revenue administration was the same as that introduced by Akbar The number of parganas in sircar Banares in 1695 was the same as in 1594.
Very little has been recorded about the proprietary rights in the early settlements in the district under the sultans of Delhi except for the sagas of great dynastic Houses recorded by the House-bards like of Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya by Banshi kavi in Raghuvansh Banshavali- Maha kavya, from the time they left their kingdoms, for one reason or the other. It could be surmised that the most of them existed under Mughal suzerainty unlike Raghuvanshies of Katehar who befriended the Afghans and stayed free of Mughal domination and got free- hold zamindari rights through a ‘sanad’ or court declaration, like in the case of Doman Deo and Maharaj Rai Chan singh Judeo (Bayalisi). Similarly Mohas received a grant from Shah Hahan and enjoyed considerable property and married their daughters in the erstwhile rulers of Varanasi the Gahadwal’s family finding shelter in Kantit and Manda etc. Banaphars came from chausa in the twelfth century and were settled in villages Rajpur and Hariharpur.
But after the death of Aurangzeb, Delhi’s grip slackened and provincial Governors became virtually independents. Aurangzeb’s son Mauzzam succeeded to the throne as Bahadur shah I and during his reign the zamindars of eastern district either claiming a free grant like Raghuvanshies of Katehar from Sher Shah, or just taking advantage of the disturbed state in Delhi, rebelled and refused to pay the revenue, unlike the Raghuvanshies of katehar,who held a properly executed grant.
In 1712 his eldest son, Jahandar shah, succeeded him for a fortnight. War broke out between him and his nephew Farukh siyar (son of Azin-us-shan) over the division of the kingdom. The sayyid brother of Barah, Abdull khan and Hussain Ali, promised to support the claim of Farrukhsiyar who became the emperor (1712-1719). His army crossed the Karamnasa River, reached Saidraja on October 28, and moved on to Mughalsarai the next day. Farrukhsiyar visited Varanasi to impose a levy of a lakh of rupees.
In 1712 the emperor sent Munawwar khan with a large army and many guns to punish the independent land-owners of Kaithi. Ragho Rai represented the Katehar Raghuvanshies and was standing –by with 500 cavalry and 4000 armed men to face Shaikh Mangli the Risaldar, who turned back and avoided confrontations with the Raghuvanshies of Katehar and maintained peace on both ends, However the rebellion of the zamindars of the eastern districts assured non payment of land revenue by all of them on the style of the Katehar Raghuvanshies since the grant of Sher Shah to Raja Doman Deo making all of Katehar as cess-free.
In 1719, Farrukh siyar was murdered and when Muhammad shah ascended the throne in September, he gave in Jagir to Murtaza khan (one of his courtiers) the sirkar of Benares, and two other sirkars and chunar (the whole area corresponding roughly to the present districts of Varanasi, Jaunpur, Ghazipur, Azamgarh and Ballia and the eastern portion of Distt. Mirzapur) Murtaza khan entrusted the management of these territories to Mir Rustam Ali (a relative) for consideration of five lakh of rupees annually, the latter having the right to retain the surplus for himself, but he could not realize the revenue from most of the zamindars.
In 1722 Muhammkad Amin, well known as Sadat khan was made subedar of Avadh. In about 1728-murtaza Khan leased his jagir to Saadat khan for an annual sum of seven lakhs of rupees annually. Rustam Ali retained the charge of Jagir till 1738 when incurred the displeasure of Saadat Khan. Rustam Ali had become indolent and depended a good deal on one of his servants Mansa Ram and was unable to pay the fixed annual rent to the subedar of Avadh. Saadat khan asked his son-in-law Safdar Jung to call Rustam Ali to account. To his ill-luck Rustam Ali sent Mansa Ram for replying to Safdar Jung at Avadh headquarters, paving the way for his own fall and the advancement of Mansa Ram, who secured for himself, in the name of his son, Balwant singh, the office of Nazim of the sirkars of Banares, Jaunpur and Chunar, by being agreeable to pay nine lakhs as annual rent. Balwant singh’s power initially was circumscribed by keeping the kotwalship of Benares, the Governorship of Jaunpur Fort and the control of Mint in Benares, outside his jurisdiction. After the death of Mansa Ram in 1739 a sanad from the Emperor Muhammad shah was issued conferring the title of raja upon him. In 1740 he also obtained the zamindari of kaswar, Afrad, Katehar and Bhagmal as well as the lease of three sirkars and he continued to strengthen his position by night raids on the villages of Rajputs and Brahmins and replacing the original zamindars by his relatives by force, and later by ordering a fresh settlement of the tenants before 1st July 1759, by a renowned hereditary kanungo from Patna. Many old zamindars that had fled away were hiding or were too impoverished and did not surface again at the time of ‘partal’ by the officials of the kanungo, and many could not easily re-establish their claim on their old zamindari. Those who were not troubled, or sacked did so by maintaining a fighting force, like the Rajputs (Raghuvanshies) of Katehar 500 horses and 4000 foot soldiers). However gradually he established his suzerainty almost all over Benares, except pargana of Katehar, notwithstanding certain small villages on the outskirts of the pargana (Katehar). And where the forces of the Raghuvanshies some how could not register command and control. Meanwhile Balvant singh continued to pay the tribute to the nawab vazir, Safdar Jung, astutely till 1748 when he was away in Delhi, by expelling the agent of Avadh government, and refusing to pay the revenues. He became so emboldened so as to attack the province of Allanhabad, seizing the fort and pargana of Bhadohi (Mona Rajputs). The Governor of Allahabad, Ali Kuli-khan, who was also defeated, which led to Ahmad Khan Bangash an Afghan leader from Farrukhabad to march to Allahabad and asking another Afghan Sahib Zaman Khan of Jaunpur to take charge of Benares. Balwant singh made peace with Afghans and settled for half his original possessions. At same time Safdar Jung marched towards Allahabad and compelled Ahmad khan Bangash to retire from there, while he also foiled Sahib Zaman Khan’s efforts to establish his authority over Benares and Allahabad. And immediately after this Safdar Jung reached Benares to chastise Raja Balwant Singh and asked him to attend the court. But Balwant singh escaped to his hill hideout in Latifpur in Mirzapur and Safdar Jung was left to pillaging the fort at Gangapur and then was compelled to proceed to Delhi to defend the capital..
Before leaving Benares Safdar Jung tactically announced ‘pardon’to Balwant singh in order so as not to loose the administrative control of the area to Afghans, and in return for the ‘pardon’ accepted a sum of two lakhs of rupees as a present from the Raja.
In 1752, Balwant singh shifted his Headquarters from Gangapur to Ramnagar where he built on the right bank of Ganga a strong fort. He also fortified Bijaygarh and other places in Mirzapur for the protection of his treasures and other valuables. The period of 1748 to 1752 was a time of great anxiety for the city of Benares as Safdar Jung, Anmad Khan Bangash , Sahib Zaman Khan Balwant singh and the Marathas were severally making efforts to seize the city. Balwant Singh’s uncle Dasa Ram had met Kashi Bai (mother of the peshwa, Balaji Baji Rao) who came to Varanasi on a pilgrimage with her Maratha escort to put forward a claim to his brother Mansa Ram’s estate.But Balwant singh was quick to complain to the imperial court that Dasa Ram was entangling the Marathas over Benares and subdued the Maratha overtures for the time being
In 1750 Ahmad Khan Bangash sent a detachment to Benaras, Azamgarh and Jaunpur and there was a havoc created in the city of Benares which remained in darkness for two days, people fled to distance places, charges for a journey in a bullock-cart rising to eighty rupees for a distance of a hundred miles or so. The bankers of the city, waited upon the invading Afghan chiefs and placated them by offering them handsome sums averting further crisis and the Afghans left with their booty.
Connexion of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar with the former Afghan ruler Sher Shah when he was a servant in the court of Raja Doman Dev and as the jagirdar’s son across Ganga from Kaithi in khawaspur Tanda, supplemented with 500 (five hundred horsemen ) cavalry and 4000 (Four Thousand) soldiers on foot (infantry)since long and with considerable experience of maintaining a healthy distance and escaping in the wilderness during skirmishes which did not concern them and where only a strong cavalry could dare venture, kept the Raghuvanshies aloof from the goings on in Benares, Jaunpur and Allahabad and Udit singh and Janak Rai lived frugally but peacefully in Kaithi with myriads of cousins all around who had sprung –up from Baba Pukar Rai of Niyar-deeh,who had fathered twelve sons from three queens ,come from Balrampur.
In 1754, when Shuja-ud-Daula succeeded Safdar Jung, Balwant singh made an unsuccessful attempt on the fort of chunar, causing displeasure of the new Nawab and Balwant Singh had to pay by now fourteen lakhs of rupees as a tribute to the famous Nawab of Avadh. Balwant Singh preferred lying low as far as the Nawab was concerned, with strained relations. However he did not hesitate in foiling Fazi Ali, the Govenor of Ghazipur in 1757, when an attempt was made to undermine his position and he retaliated by seizing the sirkar of Ghazipur itself and partitioning it among his own people.” Shuja-ud-Daula invaded Benares, put Balwant singh to flee and captured Latifpur. On extortion of an indemnity of twenty-five lakhs of rupees from the Raja, the Nawab declared peace.
In 1759, the Marathas re-opened negotiations with Imad-ul-Mulk the vizir of lthe imperial government, for securing a sanad which would enable them to make the Ganga their boundary at least as far as Benaras. But as the Vizir was on friendly terms with the Nawab he refused to concede to Maratha’s demands.
In 1760, shuja-ud-Daula called upon Balwant singh to stop the advance of Mirza Ali Gauher (who became the Emperor under the title of Shah Alam II) on the fort of Allahabad. The opposing forces met at Saidraja, but Raja Balwant Singh let the prince go away, while his ally, Muhammad Ali Kuli Khan (the Governor of Allahabad) was compelled to surrender and was sent as a prisoner to the Nawab Vizir. Shuja-ud-Daula induced Shah Alam to join him at Benares and they decided to seize the person of Balwant singh, who promptly escaped to the hills with all his valuables and property, and the Nawab’s design failed as on previous occasions. Balwant Singh remained undisturbed for two years till 1763 when Mir Kasim came to Benares and joined cause with Shah Alam and Shuja-ud-Daula against the British. In spite of his unwillingness, Balwant Singh was compelled to join the emperor, but though he supplied 2000 horses and 5000-foot soldiers, his lukewarm attitude led the Nawab to stop him from taking an active part in the battle.
In 1764, Balwant singh hastily retreated from the battle of Buxar and went to Ramnagar and then to Latifpur, where he made peace with the British. After the battle a treaty was concluded between the East India company and Shah Alam at Benares under which the province of Benares (including the adjoining districts) was transferred to the East India company, which in turn leased-out the zamindari of the province to Balwant singh, who in turn agreed that a British Resident be posted at Ramnagar.But the Court of Directors in England refused to accept the provisions of the treaty and Benares was transferred to Avadh though Balwant singh was guaranteed the possessions of the domains held by him as before the conclusion of the Treaty.
Shuja-ud-Daula however gave battle to British near Sheopur but he was defeated by Colonel Carnac. The latter leased out to Balwant Singh the sirkar of Benares and adjoining territories, on his agreeing to increase his annual revenue to twenty and a quarter lakhs of rupees by another three lakhs. The British guaranteed non-interference on the part of Shuja-ud-Daula as far as the revenue was concerned.
In 1765, a treaty was concluded at Allahabad between Shah Alam, Shuja-ud-Daula and the East India Company by which Benares was restored to Shuja-ud-Daula on condition that Balwant Singh’s position would not be disturbed. The relations between Balwant Singh and Shuja-ud-Daula now became more strained, although the Raja paid his dues more punctually, the Nawab was hostile to him because the British protected him and as Balwant singh always avoided attending the court of Avadh. The Nawab Vizir tried to oust him in 1767, when he was saved by Clive, who however got enhanced the revenues paid by Balwant singh. In the following year, when an attempt was made by Shuja-ud-Daula to seize the Raja’s person (during a visit of the Govenor –General to the Nawab Vizir when the latter was in Varanasi) the British came to his rescue a second time, but he had to pay ten lakh of rupees to the Nawab Vizir.
After the death of Balwant singh for Chait singh to succeed he had to pay a nazrana of seventeen lakhs of rupees and two and a half lakhs of rupees annually, in addition to the revenue he was already paying. On October 10th, 1770, he was installed as Raja with the rights and privilege that had been enjoyed by Balwant singh and in recognition of the event the customary roles of investiture; elephants and other presents were bestowed upon, on behalf of the Nawab Vizir. Shuja-ud-Daula himself visited Benares in Feb. 1771. He was received at Phulpur by Chait singh on Feb. 8th on whom he bestowed a robe of investiture, a turban and a sword as well as a Jagir. On Feb 11th, Shuja-ud-Daula conferred with General Barker on the situation arising out of the activities of the Marathas and the Rohillas and when he paid a visit to Chait singh’s Capital, Ram Nagar, nine days later, the new Raja presented him with cash, elephants, horses, jewels and valuable lengths of clothes. The Nawab placed his own turban on Chait singh ‘s head and gave him a sword at the time of his departure from Benares on Feb.21. In Feb. 1773 Warren Hastings and Shuja-ud-Daula accorded full recognition to Chait singh by granting him a sanad. The province of Benares was handed over to him and in return he was to pay a sum of Rs.22,48,449.00 to the Nawab annually.
On may 21st , 1775 , the treaty of Lucknow was signed between Asaf-ud – Daula (the new Nawab Vizir ) and the East India company by which the Nawab agreed to cede to it in perpetuity the sovereignty of all the districts dependent on Chait singh together with the land cess and water duties. In the following year, on April 15, Chait singh was granted a sand confirming him in the zamindari of the province and making over to him the civil, criminal and police jurisdiction of Benares and Jaunpur, the mint of Benares, the custom duties and a number of monopolies in return for which he had to pay to the British a sum of Rs. 22, 66, 180/- annually. His annual revenue was also increased by 2 ½ lakhs of rupees. He was considered by the British to be their richest and most powerful subject. From now on a British Resident was also posted at Benares.
The actual trouble arose in 1778 between the Raja and warren Hastings, when the letter asked him to pay five lakhs of rupees as an extra ordinary subsidy to meet the expenses of the East India company’s army. Chait singh paid the sum but with great reluctance, but when the demand was repeated in the following year, he tried to avoid paying it. Warren Hasting realized the money with the help of the army. In 1780, he adopted a similar course and when the British feared an attack from the Nizam and the Marathas in November of that year he asked Chait singh to furnish a cavalry of 2000 force. The Raja refused and did so again when the demand was reduced to one thousand. In retaliation Warren Hastings resolved to exact a penalty of fifty lakhs from him and began to interfere in his internal affairs so as to find an opportunity, which could be utilized to this end. To execute his plan Warrant Hastings personally set out from Calcutta for Benares in July 1781.He encamped in Kabir chaura in the heart of the city and demanded that the Raja explain his conduct. When Chait Singh tried to justify his action, he ordered his arrest and besieged his palace at Shivala Ghat. As soon as the army of Chait singh received this intelligence it became furious and crossing the Ganga reached shivala Ghat to resist the attack and besieged the enemy’s troops. Although they were strengthened by reinforcements the Governor General’s troops were not well equipped with ammunition and were over –powered by the Raja’s troops and practically all their officers and men were killed. Chait Singh let himself down from a postern gate in his palace and slipped into the river under the cover of the dark and escaped. Warren Hastings tried to seize the fort of Ramnagar and also ordered two officers to pursue chait singh but the latters forces repulsed the British troops which had to retreat. As Warren Hastings had only a small force left, his position became precarious and like his opponent he too fled from Benares towards Bengal on a dark and rainy night. When the Raja’s men heard that the Governor General had run away they plundered his camp. But Warren Hasting returned with reinforcement and installed Mahip Narain Singh as a successor to Chait singh. The amount to be paid to the British by the Benares estate was increased to forty lakhs and the Government would appoint Magistrate for the city. First being Ali Ibrahim Khan.
Chait singh is considered a big hero in Varanasi of today while fewer people have heard of Raja Balwant singh who was a great administrator, wily expansionist and a clever subordinate of the Nawab and the British. Chait singh’s mother was a Raghuvanshi princess of Hariharpur, Dobhi and she had ensured that only Chait singh’s will succeed Balwant singh, in the face of strong opposition of the sardars of Garh Gangapur. If it was not for her resolute determination Mahip Narain singh, infant son of Balwant singh’s duaughter would have succeeded Balwant Singh in 1770.
Contemporary of Chait singh in Kaithi who is being projected was first read as chait singh by the translater Sagar Singh Muharrir, and later pronounced as Janak Raj as Jeem and che are quite similar in “baithauwa Urdu”. There was connection between Ramnagar and Kaithi as some body-builders and pahelwans of Kaithi were in the employ of the Raja of Ramnagar perpetually, as it was related to me by the chief Sardar of the Raja of Ramnagar who waw close relative. So impressed by the deeds of bravery and cunning of Raja Balwant Singh, Raghuvanshi’s first house may have named Udit Singh’s son as chait Singh or it could be that chet or chait was a popular name at that era of the feudals. This can be ascertained on closer inspection of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
Chait Singh no doubt was a hero and understood the cunning and designs of the East India Company and the British. He contacted the Marathas, and the trusted lieutenant of his father perhaps sold him to Warrant Hastings and acquired a Jagir while the great Hero Mahadji Scindia became greedy for additional fifty lakhs of rupees to deny help to Chait singh when he escaped and reached Gwalior in 1786. Chait Singh also tried for help from the Peshwa, and Nawab Vizir but wily British came to know of it and the plan was foiled. Chait Singh’s plan was to exterminate the power of the British by arresting Warren Hastings but his own men leaked the information to Warren Hastings and he sent for enforcement from Patna who attacked Chait Singh and the force of other zamindars from the back when the force to arrest Warren Hastings were facing towards Benares and heading to cross the Ganga(nearly 34000 Infantry) and history of Benares was stopped from being changed. More rightly, not only of Benares but also of the entire sub-continent. If warren Hastings was taken prisoner or was executed after a trial in Benares, that could have been the end of the East India Company’s operations in India and the British may have packed their baggage and started their operations in some remote corner of Africa. Another fact to be noted is about the force of 500 cavalry and 4000 foot soldiers maintained by the Raghuvanshi settlers to countermand the designs of usurping village after village by repeating the midhight dance of death from one village to another from Dobhi in Jaunpur to Ghazipur and Mirzapur of Raja Balwant Singh, came to fight for his son Chait Singh against Warren Hastings and may be Udit Singh’s son indeed took the name of Chet singh himself after having seen the bravery of Chait Singh of Ramnagar. The Raghuvanshi connection of Hariharpur in Dobhi may have been the raisson- d’aitr’e.
Thus the sovereignty of Benares passed in the hands of the British and one more Raghuvanshi of Katehar’s family fought against them – the grand son Chet Singh or Janak Rai by name of Jaipal singh who fought alongside veer senani Kunwar Singh and was reported missing in 1857-1858 mutiny against the British. Further his great grand son Rishabh Deo singh was imprisoned on 9th of August 1942, in ‘Quit India’ movement, but was soon released by W.W.Finlay, ICS on the intervention of his civilian brother, Ram Rup Singh. The arrest was dramatic and on the orders of Neadersoul, Special officer in Benares and a friend of Rishabh Deo Singhji, J.S. Lall, I.C.S. Joint Magistrate and the City Magistrate of Benares came to Kaithi for having tea with his friend and had his tea on our chabutara.
Then he whispered something in the ears of his Raghuvanshi friend and they told the grand father Bharat Singh that they were going to Benares together and they left in the Magistrate’s private Car. Only after night had fallen did the people realize that Rishabhdeo Singh was arrested for burning the Kaiser Hind Aerodrome on their own land and of other thirteen villages, adjoining, including of Rajwari.The Raghuvanshies although having given away Ayodhya to the family priest should have turned hermits like Maharaj Nain Deo and retired from the world and should have faded away. But one by one from Shalhe Kunwar, to Noneye Rao in Kashmir, to Baba Doman Deo to Baba Bharat singh, they all lived a normal family life with all human desires of power and pelf because on failing to attain that they could easily say they have long before denounced the world. the best example was indeed Bharat Singh who lived a long life, 105 or 110 years, and worshipped and prayed every morning in the Temple of Markandey Mahadeo and lived most frugali, (out of compulsion may be but as a second nature, finally) but fought his battles vigorously of challenging the judgment in the case of his mother (Hansa Kunwar) against very well-off cousins.When she was required by junior cousins to partition the property of her husband’s ancestors, and contested it for four years; Bharat Singh vs. Bachcha Singh(Deep Narayan Singh) in 1904. And till 1934, he tried to save the family fortunes by skipping the name of this grandfather (Baba) that was Jaipal Singh who was a mutineer in the books of the British ,which accounts for his his son Ram Sunder Singh leave the house at the time of settlement of 1883-84 Bharat singh wrote his great grand- father’s name saying (Dada) which can be mistaken for Baba –he put down the name of Dada as Shiv Ratan Singh so much wile in a saint (a Mahayogi as described in Bhrigu- Sanhita). But so much necessary for saving the property which would feed his son and a nephew and the grand-sons and grand-nephews also the great grand-sons like myself (rest were looked after, quite well ).And a grandson of a martyr and a great great -grandson of a zamindar who tried to take Warren Hastinngs as a prisoner of Chait Singh, he rejoiced when his own grand-son joined the prestigious civil service under the British and organized uptil today the most famous and grandest of all “sringars” (Decorations )of the idol of sri Markandey Mahadeo whom he worshipped every day till the last but one day of his life on 6th Dec.1944.
From the 1770s the zamindari which had grown territorially at the expense of neighboring chiefs and zamindars acquiring sometimes a large measure of autonomy like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar having obtained a ‘sanad’ from Sher Shah for not paying any revenue on their holdings and stood aloof of the great influence of Raja Baalwant Singh (by supporting a cavalry and an infantry at all times to stand-by against mid-night raids)., came under the influence and then under the control of the English East India Company as part of a political settlement with the Nawab. The political scene in India by the middle of the eighteenth century had become one of continuous shifts and uncertainties. After the death off Muhammad Shah in 1748, the Mughal Emperor’s direct and effective rule came to cover only a small extent of territories in the north. Jats and Marathas were creating new kingdoms or loose imperial structures. After Bahadur Shah Zafar’s death in 1712, the opportunity for intervention in Indian politics thus brought about was increasingly exploited by wily Europeans.
After the clash of Raja Chait singh with Warren Hastings, the Banares region was exposed to much tighter control by the individual greed and ambition of the British and the administrative policies and practices, in revenue matters and justice of civil and criminal offences, as well as in internal customs duty started to shape-up by European ideas and experience. Also at the same time the region gained by the British influence on the economic life and prospered with rapid expansion of trade. The process of unbridled expansion came to a halt in a way with Duncan’s land revenue settlement having been declared to be permanent. The fluid situation had created local chiefs and enterprising Zamindars usurping the rights and properties of a weaker chiefs or Zamindars and shifts of power and restructuring of politics and society at local levels had been taking place during the entire eighteenth century until 1795. Consequently, Raja of Benares was left with only a limited jurisdiction in a small area known as “Benares Estate” and Benares, i.e. the eastern districts of Ballia (now also Mau), Ghazipur, Banaras, Jaunpur and Mirzapur (including Sonbhadra etc.) came under full British administration.
Benares like the rest of the country had agriculture as its base for economy. A share in the produce of the land formed the main source of income for both the state and local authorities. Effective control over land revenue was thus of the utmost importance. The produce of land was shared unequally by three different groups, i.e. the cultivator himself, the controller of the cultivators, i.e. the Zamindars or the intermediaries and finally the state. In the late eighteenth century the most noticeable effect of European activity, a commercial body turned administrator, was that of increased commercialization of agriculture, through producing sugar, opium and indigo.
But from the early 1780s when Benares was fully exposed to the interference of the British Residents and to the increased revenue demand of the East India Company, Benares went from bad to worse in being bled by the individual Brits, who may be former Company employees or their relatives. Consequently both agriculture and economy felt a marked decline. This carried on for a decade until Duncan’s arrival and his attempt at reforming the official machinery, by removing the abuses which had crept into the administration, after Chait Singh’s expulsion.
The process of change in the region was of particular interest ot historians, Benares being adjacent to Avadh and having developed in to a leading center of trade, attracting merchants from all over India. The city of Benares itself contained a mint and a number of banking firms like those of Kashmiri Mal, Bhaiyaram and Gopal Das, which transacted business on all India level. There were smaller bankers or “hundidars”, Who operated locally in the entire Benares region and acquired Zamindari rights on large tracts through the monetary gains of local banking system of ‘Hundies’ employing scores of Harkaras who honestly brought back the interest money or the original amount, by visiting villages and towns as far as saidpur in Ghazipur thirty-five kilometers away from Benares of the Bankers of Kamauli’s Gauri Shanker Singh and his brother Beni Madho Singh and similarly of a reknowned Banker Babu Gaya Singh of Chhotka Mirzapur.
Akbar the great (1556-1605) had created a province (Suba) of Allahabad, actually “Illahabad” on the religion fostered by him, the ‘Din-illahi’ and named on it. The subawas divided into four ‘Sircars’ (Sarkars) or districts of Jaunpur, Benares, Chunar and Ghazipur. It remained so till 1728, when it (Benares) was included in Avadh. Saadat Khan, the first Nawab of Awadh rented it to Mir Rustam Ali at eight lakhs of rupees a year. Mansa Ram was in the employ of Mir Rustam Ali and by his wily Court-Craft replaces Mir Rustam Ali and in 1739 Balwant Singh managed to make his emildari-Zamindari status permanent and later obtained the title of ‘Raja’ from Emperor Muhammad Shah. Balwant Singh was mainly concerned, at first to collect revenue in Janupur and Benares which were in the hands of officers appointed by the Nawab. The coins from the Benares mint were issued in the name of the Emperor as a symbol of sovereignty. The ‘quazis’ of the main towns were the appointees of the Emperor. The forts of Jaunpur and Chunar were garrisoned by the troops of the Nawab and the Emperor. In Fort William –secretary of state for India (later) correspondence and in the works of C.U.Atchison “Collection of treaties, engagements and Sanads”, interesting piece is found”. The supreme validating authority of the Mughal emperor, though his military and political power was nominal only, is obvious from the grant of the Banaras Zamindari to the Company in 1764 and of the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and part of the Orissa in 1765 by Shah Alam. The former arrangement, however, lasted less than a year because the court of Directors in London did not approve it. The Zamindari was restored to Awadh, the Nawab having agreed to allow Balwant Singh its possession on payment of regular revenue.”
Because of Balwant Singh’s several acts of non-payment of revenue to the Nawab, the relationship between the two remained strained, becoming bad to worse during the battle of Buxor in 1764. The Nawab knowing full well that Balwant Singh was in secret alliance with the British and had openly joined hand with them after Buxor. Yet why did the Nawab allow Balwant Singh to continue as the revenue Collector for himself. And why did the British support Balwant Singh to continue as the intermediary of the Nawab of Awadh, which was the objective of the newly named Raja to attend the British Camp. One could surmise that Balwant Singh wanted a breathing space from the Nawab’s super sovereignty, while the British wanted to create a buffer between Awadh and themselves and incursions of the Marathas in the west. Governor Cartier wrote to Balwant Singh in 1770. “I am sure you need no fresh assurances from me to certify you of the favour in which you stand with the English serdars (gentlemen), neither have I the smallest apprehension that we shall, at any time, repent of our protection or you of your Attachment. In these days when engagements and treaties are become the sport of capricious minds and friendship is a name found without principle and violated without Reserve. Our connection is a rare and perhaps a single instance where no suspicion lurks.”
It was the same close relationship with the English further down the line that secured the Zamindari for Chait Singh from Shuja-ud-daula in 1770. The Nawab wanted 10 lakhs over and above 22 lakhs annually as cess from Chait singh, and also to discontinue his possession of Latifgarh and Bijaygarh forts. But warren Hastings with his meeting with the Nawab managed to obtain a satisfactory Sanad for Chait Singh from the Nawab. Hastings did it in the name of Company’s interest, considering Chait Singh “a sure ally” and his “estate” a “strong barrier” between Awadh and Company’s possession of Bihar and Bengal.
After the death of Shaja-ud-Daula in 1775, a question of refreshing the treaty of 1765, with Awadh arose, for the Company. The supreme council in London decided by a majority vote that cession of Benares to the Company should be made a pre-condition to the treaty with the new Nawab for negotiations. So as per the treaty of Faizabad dated 21st May 1775, the sovereignty of Benares was ceded in perpetuity to the Company by the Nawab. Chait Singh was allowed by the Company to continue to manage the Zamindari of Benares.
So with the suzerainty of Company sarkar Bahadur a new era began for Benares.
At first some autonomy was retained (1775-81) then came the period of British interference in the internal affairs of Benares (1781-87) and finally the full control of the British (1788-95). For Indians of today this is most perplexing as to how the Brits who came as small traders started to control the entire administration of the country part by part and region to region. And still it will take a great and clever analysis by some great historian or social scientist to really understand the epochal phenomena that turned us into slaves. Let us take the example of Benares region. Balwant Singh did a lot for himself and from the position his father held first as a vassal of Nazim Mir Rustom Ali (Governor), who in turn was a subordinate official under the Nawab of Awadh, Saadat Khan, who rented Benares to Mir Rustom Ali at eight lakhs of rupees annually. Mansa Ram the Governor’s Vassal always went to Faizabad accompanying his master, where Mir Rustom Ali pleaded for more time and general forgiveness of the Nawab. Mansa Ram was clever enough to meet the Nawab and asked him to appoint himself as Governor on enhanced revenue rent by one lakh rupees or so. Mir Rustam Ali was an indolent boozer and was done away with during one of his drinking bouts on a pleasure boat on the river Ganges. So our friend Mansa Ram was given the duties of collecting revenue on additional charges. But he died within a year and got the rights of collecting revenue as an Amil-Zamindar from the Nawab for his son Balwant Singh.
Balwant Singh also obtained a saned of ‘Rajaship’ by the Emperor. The new Raja’s obligations to the Nawab was for payment of cess with provisions of troops, but Balwant Singh was not at all keen on fulfilling his obligations. He never made efforts to pay the Nawab and every time Nawab sent his troops to chastise or came himself, Balwant Singh ran to the thick forests of Mirzapur and drew small walls to hinder the progress of Nawab’s troops (which can be seen even today). He was so lucky that Nawab was almost always summoned back by the Emperor, faced with Rohillas attack in North-West or faced with some more important situation, giving another opportunity once again to resume control and mid-night slaughters and pillage of villages of Dobhi etc. and include them in his Zamindari. He was quick in submitting to the Nawab, whenever finding his position weak, offering him large sums and promising good conduct in future. Thus the relationship between Balwant Singh and the Nawab (Shuja-ud-Dullah by now) were not at all cordial, and they became particularly strained after the Nawab found-out that Balwant Singh had sided the British, secretly, in the battle of Buxor in 1764.
Now how could the British put any pressure on Shuja-ud-Daula to continue Balwant Singh as the Amil Zamindar of the region? Just as suited them so at the time of renewal of the treaty of Buxor to create a buffer zone between Bihar, Bengal and Awadh, so that they remained safely out of reach of any war like designs of the Nawab of Awadh, on his own or on Emperor’s behest.
Consequently, on death of Balwant Singh, Chait Singh’s succession to Zamindari from Shuja-ud-Daula in 1770 came about because of the patronage of British, although much against the wishes of the Nawab, who wanted ten lakh of rupees over and above annual revenue rent of twenty two lakhs for the region. Same watten Hasyings who helped Chait Singh in 1773 during his meeting with Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula, was after the blood of Chait Singh and the new treaty of 1775 in Faizabad with Asaf-ud-duala was made with a condition of ceding the sovereignty of Benares in perpetuity to the company and allowing Chait Singh to function merely as a revenue collector for the region.
We can pin-point the doings, conduct and ill-will of Balwant Singh towards the woes of his son Chait Singh. Had he conducted himself in an orderly and graceful manner and paid the revenue regularly to the Nawab, the British could not intervene between the Raja and the Nawab, the British could not intervene between the Raja and the Nawab, wedging them apart and creating an empire for themselves. Katehar’s forces joining 34000 strong troop failed to capture warren Hastings and Chait Singh rain for life leaving the field free for Jonathan Duncan to run his will and the dictates of the Governor General in Council and of the Company’s Supreme Council in London. Gradually done, it took nearly twenty years (1775-1795) for the British to harness full control over the administration of the Benares region. There was virtual autonomy existing for Chait Singh to manage the region although under the acknowledge sovereignty of the company as per the agreement between them reached in April 1776. in fact the Brits gave added power to Chait Singh of administration of Civil and Criminal justice and of the Benares mint, which was, earlier in the hands of the officials of the Nawab, for which Brits made Chait Singh pay 23,40,249 sicca rupees as the annual revenue of Benares to the Company and not to the Nawab. It looked at first as if Chait Singh had become virtual ruler of Benares, under the sovereignty of the Company Sarkar Bahadur. He felt better than being under the Nawab. Initially the British resident was only for collecting the revenue from the Raja. The British held suzerainty, but did not exercise any authority. The spirit of the company’s agreement with Chait Singh was designed to obtain “revenue without territory” as it was put by a member of the Governor General’s Council. But after expelling chait Singh watten Hastings and the British motive became clear. Both Balwant Singh and Chait Singh were used to eliminate the control of Awadh over Benares.
With Mahip Narain Singh as the new Raja, the British started interfering in the internal matters. Ali Ibrahim Khan was appointed Chief Judge and Magistrate of newly established city courts under the British. The Magistrate was made directly responsible to the Governor General in Council and was no longer under the authority of the Raja. Raja was not allowed to keep troops of his own and the sepoys required for enforcement of revenue collection were supplied by the British on request and residents recommendations. Gradually the management of the mint was also taken out of the hands of the Raja. First the British got these powers away from the Nawabs and had them vested in the Raja (Chait Singh) and later after expelling Chait Singh, they confiscated those powers away from the new Raja, Mahip Narain Singh. Most of all Raja was now forbidden to build forts or rights of defenses which was enjoyed by Chait Singh. The annual revenue now payable by the Raja was fixed in perpetuity at forty lakh of rupees. It was assessed that forty nine lakhs was the net revenue capacity of the region, although Jonathan Duncan in 1787 in his first major report estimated the gross annual collection for the region to forty five lakhs.
By the time Mahip Narain Singh came and new arrangement came about for him, his position had become much weaker. He was technically still the head of the revenue administration of the region and also of judiciary. Except in the city of Benares where company had appointed Ali Ibrahim Khan and vested all powers to him. But actually the Raja’s position was much undermined by the Resident who was growing his clout everyday, ignoring the orders of the Board of Revenue in Calcullta, so as not to interfere in the internal revenue matters. They misused their power in the appointment of amils and took money in bribe.
Lord Cornwallis wrote in 1787- ill as I thought of the late system of Banaras, I found it on enquiry much worse than I could have conceived. The Resident although not regularly vested with any power, enjoyed the almost absolute government of the country without control.”
He appointed Jonathan Duncan a man of great capabilities in revenue matters and held in highest estimation both by Europeans and Indians in Bengal as Resident with orders to reform the administration and to introduce new principles of political organization. Thus began the last phase to put the last nails in the Coffins of the native rule, only rulers remained alive for namesake.
At this time Chet Singh was the leader of the first house of Katehar, Udit Singh being the contemporary of Balwant Singh and relations not being cordial between the two as for midnight raids by Balwant Singh on Dobhi Villages, like Hariharpur from where he picked up the mother of Chait Singh after killing her father, and the Reghuvanshies of Katehar being compelled to maintain expensive forces of 500 strong Cavalry and 4000 strong Infantry to restrain the new revenue Collector of the Nawab of Avadh, further titled by the Emperor, masquerading at will the secluded and detached Villages from the core group and plant his relations in place of the original owners of various tribes of Rajputs, Koeries and Brahmins. But after the demise of Balwant Singh and Chait Singh being the son of a Raghuvanshi princess,the fondness of katehar grew for Ramnagar household and a regular strongman from Kaithi remained in Ramnagar fort to safeguard the life of Chait Singh from scheming sardars of Garh Gangapur, original home of Mansa Ram and Balwant Singh and no one being favourable to Chait Singh being made the successor of Balwant Singh. This arrangement carried-on even after Chait Singh went to live in Gwalior, after being expelled by warren Hastings. The last Pahalwan of Kaithi in Ram Nagar Fort was known to the first sardar of the Raja of Ramnagar, Sri Devendra Bahadur Singh, who told me of the tale of the palace intrigues. In the first house of Katehar the first born of Udit Singh was named as Chet Singh (in honouring the newly found companionship with Raja Chait Singh) who was born in 1760, in the House of Sees Chand in Kaithi, Katehar.
With the growing powers of the Resident, Mahip Narain Singh a collateral relative of Chait Singh was gradually pushed in the background and became a mere signatory to the orders passed by the Resident and his European assistants. Duncan persuaded the Raja to relinquish the administration of Benares to the British and was left with limited jurisdiction in some areas, later known as the family domain of the Raja. The agreement was signed on 27th October 1794.
The Governor General in Council passed the regulations for governance of the region on the model of Bengal and the decennial settlement done by Jonathan Duncan was declared permanent in 1795. An English collector and several European assistants were appointed for the whole region. Indian Judges of the Courts of Benares, Ghazipur, Jaunpur and Mirzapur were replaced by Europeans. A court of Appeal and Circuit with three judges, who were all British, and a European Registrar was established for the Benaras region, the Chief Judge of which was constituted agent to the Governor General in political concerns. By 1795, Benares was brought under full British Control and started to be governed as part of Bengal and later on as a part of the North Western provinces.
So long the Raghuvanshies of specially Katehar governed their affairs on the premise that it was a gift to them from Raja Banar, so to say, a legendry Gharwar king who returned from the ashes of the Gahadwal or Gaharwar king’s dynasty of Benares( of Kashi and Kanauj)and who withdrew to Kantit in Mirzapur, to build a fort in Rajghat, where layer upon layer of terracotta is being unearthed by the Archaeological surveys of the Govt. of India, Specially by Minister for Culture, Sri Jag Mohan.Much light will be thrown by these excavations at Rajghat on the legend of Raja Banar or whether it belonged to the settlement of some earlier dynasty. Raghuvanshies of Katehar also depended upon their proximity to Tanda or to be precise Khawaspur- Tanda and rulers of the region, particularly Sher Shah Suri, who became great friends with Raja Doman Deo of Chandravati, a first cousin of Sees Chand of the first house of Katehar, established in Kaithi. Sher Shah held a great court (Darbar) in Katehar, either in the Bag Malikan of Kaithi or in Chandravati though by now deserted by Doman Deo, on fleeing from there, after the attack of Sher Shah’s stupid or ignorant General, demanding forces, ration, money and ammunitions from Doman Deo for Sher Shah’s Bengal expedition Sher Shah honoured Doman Deo with the title of ‘Raja’ and “Raghuvansh Shiromani” and issued a Farman for the rulers of Benares, so as not to exact any cess, revenue or taxes from the Pargana of Katehar, which he took to be the fiefdom of Doman Deo alone, although it was occupied by the twelve sons of Baba Pukar Rai son of Birhaj Rai of Niyardeeh or Kot and Doman Deo and Sees Chand represented only the first son of Pukar Rai, by name of Rai Khemraj Singh. Thus the ‘Sanad’ issued by Sher Shah was used or misused to eschew payment or revenue to any occupying force in Benares. Duncan has noted that in some cases Zamindars brotherhood formed a Corporate group and they refused to enter into separate revenue engagements and kept their lands together. About Rajput (Raghuvanshi) Zamindars of Katehar paragana in Benares district, Duncan observed “It was proposed to the Zamindars of this Talookah to take ‘pottahs’ for their respective shares, but this they declined as they declared such shares or ‘pattees’ had never been divided and they were willing and anxious to keep together and did not therefore wish or desire to have separate pottahs.”
In a situation of this type where coparcener’s shares were mixed, and not made distinct, the lease came in the name of the principal of the family and hardly any exhaustive list of all Coparcener Zamindars was mentioned by the settlement of Duncan, creating chaos and confusion amongst the co-parceners. This was the tactics thought to be best at the time since Sher Shah gave the Raghuvanshies of Katehar his ‘Sanad’ so as not to pay any revenue for Katehar in order to deal with ambitious, treacherous, unscrupulous and skilled in allaying the suspicions of others (Wilton Oldham on Balwant Singh- 1870) and ruthless tax collectors alongside to maintain a Cavalry and Infantry to save their property and women, as it depended upon the proportion of infantry maintained by Rajput, Brahmins and Bhumihars for all districts almost exactly reflects the proportion of land they controlled. Raghuvanshies were notably strong in Cavalry as an important arm to have held Katehar intact from if not 1212 (gifted by Raja Banar) then defacto since 1435 A.D. when a large cavalry from Raja Balrampur joined the household of Baba Pukar Rai, who married all the three daughters of Balrampur Raja. This made Baba Pukar Rai invincible against the Soeries for occupation of Katehar and great horsemen of Rai Chan Singh, Sees Chand , Male Chand and Doman Deo. When Domen Deo and Sees Chand met in the riverine belt of Gomti, over suzerainty of Kaithi in view of the declaration of Sher Shah, they were both on horsebacks, and Sees Chand, although nearing ninety years held the reins of Doman Deo’s horse (thirty years his junior cousin) and demanded a promise from him to leave Kaithi alone from his fiefdom and indeed honouring the seniormost member of the dynasty, Doman Deo only too readily agreed; that Kaithi will be a sovereign region in itself; though retaining Bhandahan and Pandey ka Pura marking boundry to Sees Chand’s domain before Rajwari’s boundary began. Doman Deo ordered to give the adjoining lands, to Kaithi, to Brahmins and Gossains of the temple.
In the early eighteenth century there were a lot of Rajput Zamindars chiefly who had armed themselves with their own youngsters and of some mercenary fighters like the Chauhans ( having left Delhi after the defeat of Prithvi Raj into fighting fit Infantry and Cavalry ). Survived better than others and hence were able to hold on to more land than Brahmins, Bhumihars or Muslims. One thing may be said that the Zamindars were not bound to maintain any set number of Calvary of infantry for the estate, as a Jagirdar was bound to keep. There is no historical record that such local forces, cavalry or infantry being employed for any warfare of the estate. On the other hand there is the concrete example of Doman Deo refusing to give his force on the asking of Sher Shah’s General for his Bengal expedition. Indeed Doman Deo had to suffer and flee from Chandravati to Laxamgarh and his mud-fortress was decimated by the General.
Thus the only class of Zamindars who preserved their proprietary rights like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, tolerably well in the eighteenth century were the Sengars of Lakhnesar in Ballia, the Bisens of Badlapur and Bais of Singramau in Jaunpur . They organized better and held on to the guerrilla warfare on the tax-collectors, more interested in expansionism and installing their kith and kin. Such clansmen served the raja with united opposition and the raja let them be than loose some of his men in warfare and hinder the collection of revenue further. However, except for Katehar, same was not the usual deploy of the Zamindars in Benares region. There was a regular struggle between the Raja and the Zamindar in eighteenth century Benares, to be able to obtain maximum benefit from the land. A letter from Raja Mahip Narain Singh explains…. In the time of Maharaj Balwant Singh, the plan of the settlement of the country was not in one way or mode. Whenever he knew it proper to receive the ‘Malguzary’ or revenue from the hands of the Zamindars, he did so and wherever he knew the Zamindars to be wicked desolators, and such men as the revenue would not be effected by, he there made the village cucha and took the revenue.”
The result of such ruthlessness no less than two thousand Zamindars had lost their Zamindari rights during the time of Balwant Singh, as recorded by Duncan in 1790. As Collector of Ghazipur, Wilton Oldham recorded in 1870.
“Village proprietary bodies were for the most part allowed to remain in possession (sic), but their status was changed. They were reduced to the condition of Cultivators and obliged to pay the total annual assets of the Village, except a trifling gratuity for their support called” Nankar” and “Muafee mamoolee”.
So in making a village ‘Cucha’ as per Mahip Narain Singh in reference to the tactics of Raja Balwant Singh, it was that the Zamindars who were erring in the eyes of Balwant Singh, were deprived of their income from the village surplus, they were, yet, allowed to keep their personal farm lands at a favourable ‘Jamma’ as compared to other village renters.
Jonathan Duncan and his two European assistants took over the direct revenue administration of the region in collaboration with Raja Mahip Narain Singh. Generally the rules of Bihar settlement were to be followed, depending on local conditions. Bihar also had a decennial settlement. Most of all it was to be decided as to who held the Zamindari rights or to whom should the right to act as revenue Collector over a given area be granted on sacking of the despotic ‘amils’ in principle it was held that only those Zamindars who held and proved their ‘defacto’ possession, subsequent to 1st July 1775 (the date of final transfer of sovereignty of Benares to the East India Company) should be recognized as actual Zamindars to settle Company’s revenue, whom the illiterate Indians looked upon to be the government. Revenue receipts, a patta from former revenue officials, entry in the Quanungos records or the sworn statement of local leaders in the area. The Raghuvansgies in Katehar held no receipts or pattas, so each vouchsafed for other to be his Zamindar and himself to be the Cultivator, or the clean and family head to be the Zamindar and himself to be the cultivator, making Duncan perplexed and commenting as he did in the previous pages. Each one, as Ram Rup Singh once commented was a Zamindar and a Cultivator at the same time, giving rise to the term “Sir Khudkast”, perhaps as just “Sir” or “Seer” itself meant Khudkast in the revenue terminology.
Permanent Settlement: this is the third Chapter for Publisher’s assessment,please.
Leases were granted to Taluqdars and Zamindars or else with revenue farmers and lastly if no one coming forward, the village would be left unsettled the company official directly collecting the revenue from the cultivators, being called raiyati village. In terms of area two thirds were settled with Zamindar- Taluqdar, one fourth was leased to revenue farmers and about one twelfth remained ‘amani’ about fifteen percent of the total revenue was alienated to jagirdars and muaafidars, like the raja and members of his family who had jagirs as well as others who were allotted land in perpetuity by Hastings like Raja Ausan Singh was given Saidpur Bhitri , for services rendered.
The first major step to control land and give it a permanent structure was taken in Bengal by East India Company in 1791, when they informed the Banaras landholders of the continuance of their leases for all their life so long they paid the revenue imposed on them. By Regulation 1 of 1795 the Zamindars, taluqdars and the revenue farmers with whom settlement had been made in 1789 were declared proprietors of their land in perpetuity. Although the Zamindars or the owners of the villages of Katehar held proprietory rights since 1212 or 1435 in perpetuity , they still accepted the new arrangements of the British, as if relived of the burden of warding-off various amils, rajas and revenue collectors since the beginning of the eighteenth century at least and the burden and expenses of maintaining a force of Cavalry and infantry in readiness at all times. With Duncan’s settlement an area of peaceful existence began for the Raghuvanshies of Katehar. The settlement of 1789-90 was declared permanent in 1795. The settlement fixed the land revenue in perpetuity and made the proprietors of land secure as long as they observed their obligations to the East India company and their regulations. They could transfer their rights to others by sale or mortgage in case of need of money. As a result the cultivating populace became prosperous and secure and a new class of the landed gentry grew on the outskirts of Benares town. The land became good.
Duncan wrote in 1795:
“I can safely add, that land is already become in Benares a most desirable property, if I may judge from the degree of avidity not infrequently degenerating into violence, that is now evinced by the parties to acquire it, in so much that I may aver the Excess of this desire to be at present by far the principal, if not the only serious evil existing in this part of the country.”
The first house of Katehar in Kaithi had Shiv Ratan Singh and his three younger brothers, Shiv Ghulam Singh and others at the time of permanent settlement of Duncan and having seen the fate of their father Janak Rai (or Chet Singh of Katehar) failing with all the 34000 strong fighting men and the attendant Cavalry in capturing Warren Hastings on the bidding of Raja Chait Singh of Ramnagar fort; Shiv Ratan Singh entered into settlement with Jonathan Duncan on behalf of the house of Sees Chand. Other cousins sired by Male Chand’s descendants did likewise and entered into settlement too, even though it lacked a proper survey and ‘Partal’ for exact demarcation of the plots, being cultivated by various cousins by family settlement and named as “Khans” sub-section of the entire reverine belt so divided dependant on the contours of the river Gomti, with names like ‘Nahar’ ‘Bhainsahni’ ‘Sihore’, ‘Mazqur’ ‘Semri’ etc. then cousins from Rampur village across Gomti shared Zamindari rights on certain belts of riverine area, although they being descendants of Doman Deo, names of both being found together in 1795 records is quite unique. As to the yield, the measures of growth and quality of land was assessed by Sher Shah’s and Raja Todar Mal (Revenue Minister of Akbar the great) administration, it was lacking in Duncan’s settlement and ‘Bangar’ ‘deeh’ ‘damar’ were all recorded in the same category as good soiled land. So the cousin who was settled ‘deeh’ ‘damar’ en-block suffered and migrated elsewhere, like the descendants of Laxmi Chand, the third brother of Sees Chand, whom he had given one and half annas from his share after he was born to Madan Chand in old age and on refusal of second brother Male Chand to part anything from his share.
So Laxmi Chand’s descendants in their eleventh generation left their fore-father’s village and went to settle on the Gomti’s fertile belt near village Tekuri and called their hamlet as ‘Laxmi Chand ka pura’. Duncan’s assistants like Ram Chandra Pandit ( of Ballia), Shankar Pandit and Mehendi Ali Khan (of Gazipur), Shivlal Dube (of Jaunpur) and Umrao Singh(of Benares), depended largely on Zamindars brotherhood, which they understood well from their long experience in revenue collection, principles of earlier settlements and the over-riding rights of the Zamindar as against the rights of the ‘raiyats’ (Ram Chandra Pandit) report on “Zamindars and raiyats” submitted to Duncan on 14th July 1789, BRC 21st October 1789 and Mehandi Ali Khan to Duncan, 25th May 1794- Board of Revenue, Calcutta, Nov. 1794), so there was a general failure to record the rights of the subordinate proprietors, wherever such case was existent, like in some villages of Katehar there were original Soeries still in possession of land, where they held out despite Raghuvanshies predominance with their horses and fighting men. There were some stray instances where a Soeries lass won over a Raghuvanshy lad and the whole village survived the onslaught of Baba Pukar Rai’s invading army led by his twelve sons and generals from Balrampur from where his three consorts came.
However these omissions led to as demonstrated by Cohn “between 1795 and 1840, each of these defects of the settlement affected the positions of land-holders and was instrumental in the transfer of rights to land” (from structural change in Indian Rural Society).
Duncan was sympathetic to the rural gentry of Benares and did not apply the harsh measures adopted by Board of Revenue at Calcutta to order for public auction for sale of the property of revenue defaulters. Instead he brought forward six milder measures, like distraint of crops and other assets of the defaulting proprietors, imprisonment, collection by specially appointed officer directly from the cultivators on behalf of revenue payers etc. To deal with the defaulters and the sale of land was to be the last resort. Although Duncan’s recommendations were indeed put down in the regulations, but the British nevertheless, did resort to auction sale as the only method. As for imprisonment of revenue defaulters was practiced even during my childhood and some perpetual defaulters were sent to the lock-up in Tahsil for one or two days. But they emerged-out like heroes as now they won’t be paying any revenue for the whole year. It won’t be nice to name them, as it could hurt the feelings of their descendants. Auction sale also affected the position of sub-proprietors or of the co-parcener, whose names were left unrecorded at the time of the settlement.
Land control under the landed gentry faced much upheaval under the two rajas of Gangapur and then again under the British Control. Balwant Singh brought down even the most powerful neighbours to submit to their cunning and wile and many were dispossessed by them of their Zamindari and homes.
British were unable to restore such Zamindars to their former positions with an exception of raja of ‘Agori Barhar. Rest of the Zamindars and Rajas were given ‘malikana’ allowances in lieu of their Zamindari. The village zamindars who were also affected by the policy of Balwant Singh were recognized by the British (in the name of fair play) as the actual land owners. All those who had lost their zamindari rights prior to 1775 were yet in a dis-possessed state. Some who were restored to their former possessions at the time of settlement lost their lands for failure of revenue payments in the post settlement period. The ‘amils’ under the new title of ‘tahsilar’ under the British prospered further by receiving an official commission of 11.5 per cent on collection. They were well acquainted with tricks which were liable to yield more than entered in official records from being under assessed at the time of settlement of 1789-90 and through their positions they could have such estates brought to the block (Cohn). There is an observation from a Judge of Jaunpur district in 1815, as follows:
“The most serious grievance from the Tahsildari system was the great change in landed property. By their authority to attach crops, until security could be given for the years revenue, the landholder was thrown entirely into the power of the Tahsildar, and perhaps from the ignorance of the business and being unable to procure security, left the arrangements of his affairs to the Tahsildar, who had always dependants of his own, ready to become the nominal security and at the end of a few years the unsuspecting landholder found himself unexpectedly called upon for a balance of revenue for the preceding years, with interests and costs therein, and his estate (was) taken, into the Tahsilders hands as “Amanee”. If the landholder despairing of the result of a contest with the Tahsildar, contented himself with a few bights of ‘Neej-jote” land, the estate ultimately fell to the Tahsildar, who obtained a pottah for it from the Collector in the name of some dependent, as a re-settlement of land fallen Amanee; if on the contrary, the land holder had courage to defend his property, the Tahsildar applied for the sale of the Estate in satisfaction of the pretended balance. A “Jumma Wasil Bakee” account formed by the Sheristadars was received as incontestable evidence of the balance, the Estate was sold irrevocably and purchased by the Tahsildar in some fictitious name”.
Shiv Lal Dube and Devki Nandan Singh were Tahsilders of that era, creating large estate for their descendants, what was achieved by Balwant Singh through mid-night raids and administrative manipulations under the Nawab of Avadh, skill in manipulation of legal and administrative forms achieved for Shiv Lal Dube, making him Raja of Jaunpur under the British.
Rajas fell and Nawabs were sacked because they posed a threat or annoyed the power that be, but villages carried on being for generation to generation and century to century, nothing realling changing till the revolution in communications of any kind. A village and an important but forgotten dynasty could carry on living unmolested, with only a token show of force, when unscrupulous and ruthless revenue collectors or amils or rajas came on the scene, sometime joining forces with them when a larger threat loomed decidedly on the horizon, but in order to maintain dignity and honour of women, they stood as a force. Yet basically villages like those founded by grand children of Baba Pukar Rai remained simple but salf-sufficient entity, not needing a thing from outside and neither venturing out and stay incognito to remain unknown, unobserved and unsung, except for the occasional visit of the family bard, who stayed for a few days and recorded new berths in the forgotten dynasty. Duncan put a rough estimate of rural population at 26,00,000, cultivated area in Bighas as 27,10,000 and Revenue in rupees as 47,00,000 or about Rs. 400/- on a village of small population of 200 and landed area of 226 Bighas. The first census in 1865, officials recorded 4,452,408 bighas under cultivation and a total population of 4,205,351 and in 1872 some 5,611,456 bighas and 4,395,252 as population in the whole of Benares region. The reported area by Duncan was almost equally divided between agriculturists and non-agriculturists. The figures in 1872 of percentage of agriculturists varied from 68 in Jaunpur, 52 in Mirzapur, 54 in Ghazipur and 43 in Benares. These figures testify to the data of Duncan in 1790 and shows continuous influence of urban Benares on rural area by way of importance of handicrafts and service industries in the economy of the region. Benares was also an important religious center for the entire Hindu world, feeding multitudes of pilgrims and a great center of consumption and a thriving market of permanent importance for the various agricultural products of the regions, like the grain markets of Visheshwarganj and Khojawan from where produce of the region found its way to Bengal, Bihar, Nepal and Deccan. Bankers and Hoondidars of Benares had an all India role; even the revenue paid by the raja was transferred by “Hoondi” to the East India Company’s headquarters. The system of advances by the Indian and European Merchants encouraged production for the market, of cottons and silks, of refined sugar, Indigo and opium, of yearly value of several crores of rupees. It would be surmised that a considerable part of the Benares villages income was lavished on the style of the raja or the chief Collector of the revenue of the region. It also supported the debauchery of the amils and at the same time looked after the expenses and rituals of the temples and ‘Maths’ and as Duncan said “the preservation and cultivation of the Laws, literature and Religion of that Nation, at this center of their faith”, and kept alive the profit making bankers, Hoondiwalas and merchants and sustained also the skilled and semi-skilled artisans in the towns.
How was the cultivation and distribution of the crops managed, how unequally in the work and rewards thereof in the village scheme of things. There were the land owners, the peasants and landless labourers living on the land of the land-owner, with life long obligation to perform service for him on priority basis and in that category also came various village artisans and servants. Their existence in the village catered for all the need of the village. The brotherhood of the dominant force of the village was held by the ties of common ancestry like the entire katehar by twelve sons of Baba Pukar Rai and the Dobhi taluqua spread over forty square miles in adjoining Jaunpur in habitated by the descendents of Ganesh Rai a first cousin of Baba Pukar Rai of Katehar bound by common ancestry of Deo Kunwar who settled Deorayee in the year 1380 A.D. Dobhi at that time had a cluster of nearly one hundred villages settled gradually like Katehar by sacking of ‘Soerees’ the original inhabitants, although suzerainty of Raja Banar was accepted to all of them.
As Moreland has also confirmed in his work on Agrarian Systems in those days, “The brotherhoods were held together by the tie of a common ancestry, each individual having a separate possession of the land which he cultivated, but the whole body acting together through its, representatives, in managing the affairs of the village, and paying the revenue…. “Like we had our Lamberdar grand-father who collected all the revenue” and paid it in the Tahsil Sadar.
The Zamindars held land on the basis of viilage ‘Sajara’ (genealogical table of the ancestors) and the share in Khewat was divided as per the individual’s share in a rupee having 192 pies and the same being divided down the line. Like in the first house of Katehar, Sees Chand receiving 96 pies, gave away 18 pies to Laxmi Chand when the second brother Male Chand declined to do away with his own 96 pies, awarded to him when Laxmi Chand was not even born to Madan Chand. Gradually it came down somewhere in equal divisions, but in certain clans or brotherhoods, like the Sengars and Bisens, it was a main share always for the eldest born termed as “Jethansh” or by virtue of being the eldest, somewhat a crude replica of the law of primogeniture. However the Raghuvanshies did not practice it since the time of Lord Ram, who denounced the law of primogeniture.
In fact the eldest in the 1st house of katehar received a smaller share than his next brother. The cultivation was done with the help of the village help who were given land to make their own houses and given 3 to 4 Bighas land free of charge to sustain their families, over and above the daily or seasonal payment for the work done with free food for all the family, who also tried to engage themselves in the Zamindar’s household.The land of Zamindarafter Duncan’s settlement was known as ‘Seer’ or ‘neej-jot’. Sometime if the share of ‘Seer’ was considerable, he had to lease it out to ‘Khudkasht’ or ‘Paikasht’ raiyats. In some ‘Bhaichara’ villages the entire larger family of the common ancestry remained joint sharers and coparcenars and were jointly responsible for the payment of the revenue as was our “Lambardar Baba” in our childhood. Actually the split up was in the children of Sees Chand, Male Chand and Laxmi Chand and the branch holding largest share of ‘Khewat’ was made responsible for payment of the village revenue to the Collector through Tahsil authorities. There were instances when some other brach may have bought ‘Khewat’ shares along with land attached to the share of ‘Khewat’ of some deceased shareholder or even of living cousins, yet the responsibility remained of the largest shareholder in the original division of the ancestors land under the laws of inheritance, as was the case of our own “Lambardar Baba” who was holding 23 and a half pies shares alongwith his brother Shri Ramnath Singh (of Singapore fame) coming in the line of Male chand with 96 pies as his share. The Lambardar’s duty was to collect and allocate the ten percent of the state’s revenue which formed the Zamindari Haq (rights). At the same time they were also the cultivating proprietors and maintained four to six pairs of bullocks for ploughing the to keep it (land) in “Seer Khud-kasht” category and large part of the estate was worked entirely by themselves were but a poor lot of Zamindars holding on to 2292 Bighas for several generations, but very haughty and lordly never the less, and the best of taluqdars of Avadh were ready to join with them in matrimonial alliance, and the ladies added kunwar after their name like Hansa Kunwar who became the cause of litigation between Ganga Pd. Singh and herself as for the use of any residential plot belonging to Sees Chand (in fact the entire survey number 1328 of the Village) required her permission (in absence of Ram Sunder Singh having left the village) to make one’s home or cattle-shed or grains-godown. The majority of such large villages in Katehar or elsewhere in Benares region, the Zamindars were primarily agriculturists, earning their major income through cultivation of their ‘Seer’ lands,and no more source of earning.
There was also a difference in the rate of revenue collection from the member of the brotherhood and the common ‘raiyat’ upto one third’s less and this was also institutionalized for crop appraisal by using ‘Zarib-bhai-wandi’ or measurements only for the members of the brother-hood, which was much larger than that used to measure the fields of common raiyets; known as Shahjahani- Zarib against the common Zarib or chain. There were places where bhai-wandi-bigha was four times larger than the common bigha used in the assessment of raiyatts holdings; and the raiyats and others accepted and submitted to it as a part of ancient custom- which becomes law,by and by over a period of time. So in fact the actual total of the ‘Seer’ land of the brotherhood was in fact always much more than the figures given in the village records or even sanctioned by Duncan and his permanent settlement. These facts often came to light during ‘Survey & Partal’ of the new consolidation or Record operations. This arrangement came about through centuries of Zamindari-brotherhood’s might through match-locks and the cavalry,at the Zamindar’s disposal. The brotherhood, indeed, looked after the common people against any brute forces from outside, against hunger and pestilence, and at the time of marriages of children of raiyatts on their land. They had judicial and police roles also. If an outsider wanted to come and settle in the village for service of the brotherhood, they had the power to lease land to the non-resident raiyatt, who may be related to local raiyatt; and settle the rate of rent and other obligations on the newcomer,accordingly. Although the area of ‘Seer’ land varied as decided by Duncan from taluqa to taluqa, but generally every village had cultivating raiyatt who were subordinate to and directly under the brotherhood. Quite often they also came to live in the village at the time of settlement by the brotherhood, as helping hands, servants or artisans, as was the custom of the old Aryan invaders with horses and cow-herds, needing men to attend to the animals and draw milk to feed them. Such raiyatts were termed ‘Maurusi’ or ‘Chhapparband’ and claimed only right to till, so long as they paid the revenue, often in kind (like milk or ghee). Gradually through long tenure they earned the ‘hereditary’ or ‘Maurusi’ rights, specially after new law called the U.P. Tenancy Act of 1926 and could not be evicted by the Zamindar. Still they could not transfer by sale, or gift, or mortgage and once vacated (prior to new law) could not resume the tenancy rights on that land, which was ‘Khudkasht’ land of the Zamindar.
R.O. Wyane, a magistrate once commented through his long experience in early nineteenth century “The Zamindars in general conduct themselves with moderation toward their under-tenants; but this originate more from fear of punishment, than the love of justice, and Zamindars and raiyats in their common transactions, seldom attend to the principles of good faith. Between them there exists a mutual distrust, and the ruling passion that influence them in all their actions, is a strong self- interest…” But they united against an outsider, if a new proprietor who is not allowed the title of Zamindar, but is called Khureeddar, has bought the estate finds no co-operation from the raiyats who leave that village with their cattle or implements of husbandry. And the Khureedar applies to Collector for remission of cess under section 117-d of U.P. Tenancy Act, other than the Maurusi raiyatts or paikasht raiyatts, there was another class to serve as ploughman. In Benares village their population was one tenth of the total population of a revenue village. All their family members were engaged in assorted and varied household and threshing ground and out of doors agricultural work for the Zamindar, who paid them all and over all the family earned well and were generally happy. In weddings and other special occasions too they expected help from the Zamindar and received bounty full. There was a long line of connexion between the Zamindar and the ploughman and even afterwards they were expected to work for their Zamindar on priority basis, before seeking employment with another member of the brotherhood. Their women worked as village midwives.
“Patwari”’s title is very old and has come to be mentioned since the times of Allaudin Khilji’ administration in the early fourteenth century and was kept as such by Sher Shah and Akbar. British also allowed the same title to the record-keeper of land of the village until the entire community or brotherhood went on a strike and were dismissed by Revenue Minister of Uttar Pradesh and an entirely a new lot was employed and renamed ‘Lekhpals’. The Patwaries were a crafty lot and work from generation to generation and one of the sons was trained by the father. His duties were to record the lands cultivated by each household, the crops taken in each survey numbers and the revenue to be paid by the Cultivator, Zamindar or ‘Asaamee’. He should have known the entire village land, its quality from plot to plot and the crops suited and grown, both in Rabi and Kharif. He gave all the information to the ‘Quanungo’ who acted as the main record-keeper for the Pargana. He was supposed to have worked under the collaboration of the Village- Chief. But in practice, mainly owing to the illiterate nature of the Zamindars and devoid of any cavalry or foot soldiers, after the Britishers came to preside on the destiny of Benares region, Quanungo become very important because any entry made in red-ink by him on the Khataunies records was deemed to be final by the district revenue authorities and to impugned the same the Zamindar had to take recourse of the civil court and travel to city, hire an advocate and wait for years for the judgment. Later on Patwaries and Quanungos had become very crafty and corrupt and made the Zamindars and Cultivators visit the courts of law very frequently, specially after the new law called the U.P. Tenancy Act came in force and every ordinary tenant become a hereditary tenant and vacating a tenant was not easy any more. So the two of them made money through their devious entries in the records and scrounged money from the poor cultivators over the years and prepared to black-mail the Zamindar, if he was a weakling or send obstinate ones to ‘Kutchery’. Sometimes men of straw tied them to rope and ran them behind their horses in the harvested fields of Arhar (a pulse) to the detriment of the naughty man. But they always had the last word and one Patwari at the time of dying asked his son to ram a bamboo behind his back when he was dead and throw him on the river side, and he (son) will prosper there onwards, while Patwaries funeral and fiest will be done in a style by all the Zamindar’s brotherhood as well as by the ‘raiyat’ and so it was. Every one he had rooked was afraid of being named as the possible wrong-doer (of ramming his back side) and the whole village partook in the funeral ceremony and made his son the new Patwari.
The village Bania center-piece of many short –stories of Munshi Prem Chand etc., was a very useful artifact of village life. He would render advances on the standing crops to the Zamindars and help in education and Hostel fees of their children and grand-children. One such one was Binessar sav who would be long remembered as having made the education of the scien of the first family of Katehar, born at the turn of the last century in the house of Sees Chand himself, through the Hewett Kshatriya High School to Allahabad University on to the topper in Civil services Exams. He would be paid off in cash crop of oil-seeds produced in abundance in the riverine belt of rivers Ganges and Gomti’s confluence, by the grand old man of our story. He also had the first pucca house of the village, even before the latest version of Sees Chand Mansion. The presence of the Bania, seth or Savji, called ‘Nagar Seth’ in larger towns was described by J.B. Tavernier” a village must be very small indeed if it has not a ‘money changer’. Binessar Sav was the epitome of a prosperous village Bania. His double storey brick and lime mansion has fallen down through lack of maintenance and dispute amongst his grand children. But for him we wouldn’t be aware enough to record about the Raghuvanshies in Benares and of the first House of Katehar. In films the village Bania is often depicted more a proto-type of Shakespeare’s Shylock or like for instance in “Mother India”, a celebrated film of the fifties –acted by Kanhaiya Lal.
The temple of “Saabha Baba” on the high cliff above the Ganges in but a insignificant little shiva temple having the deities of Sri Ganesh, Mother Goddess and Hanuman, with Nandi being mounted by young innocent children of Raghuvanshi settlers of the village. But the story related by late Rais and most prosperous Zamindar of the district Babu Hardeo Singh alias Babu Chhangur Singh from the family of Naville’s Gazetteer-celebrity Babu Deep Narin Singh alias Babu Bachcha Singh of Kaithi and Katehar, goes on to speak of two brothers come to “Saabha-Baba’s” for justice from the elders of the first house of Katehar about the property dispute between them on the demise of their father. They were asked to be seated and one of them took a ‘modha’ a cane-cushion for his brother and one for himself and sat down in front of the elders of the first family. No one spoke for long time and then one of the brothers pleaded for attention to their problem. Then one of the elders spoke and said that you have solved your problem yourself when you took one ‘modha’ to your brother and one you took yourself. Similarly you make two equal portions of the property and ask the other fellow to take one of his choice.And that will end your dispute.
Such was the way of justice of the Katehar pargana. No one wanted to go to the Benares City’s mulki-Adalat and no one wanted to submit to the amils because they were not expected to pass impartial judgments specially if the case involved oppression of peasants by their own agents.
Jonthan Duncan also noted the indifference of the people in villages towards the Courts remarking: “In this country the inhabitants have been so long habituated to settle all causes by arbitration and to terminate all Disputes to what they call the mutual satisfaction of both parties, that I am persuaded our more decisive, and what they would think abrupt, mode of administering justice and executing decisions so passed merely upon the proofs exhibited, within a certain and fixed time, perhaps, by only one of the parties, would not suit the way of thinking of the majority of the inhabitants of Benares.”
Although Duncan commented in 1789”….. each petty landlord has been in the habit of turning his house into a strong-hold and the animosities that have sprung up among their different families (are) left to spread and Rankle without question or check on the part of Government.”
“The cause of dispute within the brotherhood was very often land. Sometimes a family would obtain more than it’s usual share either by the favour of the headman or by purchase, or by the mortgage of an inferior pattidars share. This would sometimes lead to family rivalry and become a bone of contention between the parties involved. A case of this nature was reported to Duncan in 1788 in which a man was killed by his collateral kin who had turned his adversary; both were sengars and the cause was an old family feud concerning a portion of land”.
Similar incident near home saw the end of the house of Sees Chand on 28th June 1952, but more stealthily by poisoning the last scion of Sees Chand continually living in the house of Sees Chand, who was sent to live in the village from the city perusing Various business occupation, on quick successive demises of the G.O.M. & his son in 1944 and 1952, both by same means of poisoning and to the glee of wrong- doers they had eliminated three continuous generations of Sees Chand in less than eight years and caused vacation of the present day Sees Chand Mansion, (in their heart of hearts for ever), but it so happen that it was merely for twenty years by the grace of God and Markandey Mahadeo and to continue to look-after the temple of “Saabha Baba”.
The British administration was as much concerned with the welfare of cultivation and hence the cultivators, who were the chief protagonist of the livelihood of the rural community as well as the supplier of food to the city of Benares, as the British earned the revenue and sent it home from far off lands. So it was in the best interest of both to make an atmoshere conducive to extension of cultivable land, and keep the demand on revenues to keep the cultivators in a good mood to create an aura of happy times and incentives to bring fallow lands under cultivation, increase the number of cattle and bullocks, employ larger labour force and increase the yield. That was not possible in the times of amils and revenue collectors like Balwant Singh, as their demands were almost always outrageously on the increase and otherwise punitive.
“Duncan reported the extraordinary case of revenue defaulters who was ties head downwards from the saddle of a camel as a punishment, and who died as a result of the kicks which he received when the animal was pushed to full speed”.
However when British took over collection of revenue after the permanent settlement of Duncan, the burden of the cultivator was evenly divided between Rabi and Kharif and the rate was fixed and was not dependant on the mood of the amils or their underlings or on the requirements of the Chief collector of revenues, i.e. Raja Balwant Singh himself. The amils undue exaction was done away with for once and for all and the cultivator and the Zamindars began a life of tranquility, devoid of burdens of maintaining a cavalry and foot soldiers to match with the wits of a crooked and scheming amil wanting to exact an extra ounce of flesh to create some new harem and entertain greater number of drinking bouts and nautch-girls. Even today people of Benares remember fondly their good luck of having the settlement of Jonathan Duncan turned into “Permanent” or “Istamarari” or “Duncani-Bandobast”. The amils found it difficult as newly garbed revenue- officials to survive on ten percent of total revenue and their extortion was always nipped in the bud, and their greed and tyranny came to an end over the years when the British officials did not approve the Mughal phenomena of “abwab” prevalent west of Lucknow and Faizabad- which meant an additional payment as a percentage on basic settlement figures specially for the payment of tribute’s demand of the Nawab or the British in a very haphazard and disorganized way- which the amils seized upon as a great opportunity to extract more money for themselves. However when they spent more on themselves and could not pay the target demanded they scooted and absconded their farms and Zamindaris in relative’s names. But that had a detrimental effect on the cultivator and he would be a great sufferer, unable to afford the ploughs and bullocks and servants, he would leave fallow plots left for grazing of cattle alone, resulting in “disastrous decline in cultivation” as described by Duncan to Governor General in council. He noted the large tracts of land which he had found uncultivated and the many parganas in a state of decay. The continual increase in revenue demand had forced many cultivators to abandon their fields. This state of despair he arrtibuted to the wickedness of ‘amils’ whom he reported as arbitrarily imposing excessive demands upon the ‘raiyatt’. He wrote voluminously with many petitions enclosed relating the excess of the revenue officials which had been presented to him during the course of his tour. These depicted them dealing with defaulters by distraining upon their crops, and cattle or implements and having them beaten by lathis or by torture like described earlier, by the Camel-treatment. Only Brahmins threatening the perpetuator of punishment with self- coercive measures –preparing to immolate their wives and mothers- and “all to the end of invoking supernatural wrath on the ‘amils’ or their agents who would dare touch a Brahmin.
Duncan improvised on what Todar Mal and Sher Shah had applied and made acceptable to cultivators. The Regulations laid down by him standardized the measuring chain which were used for measurement of the plots with a crop standing on it; for the yield to be estimated as by Sher Shah administration and later on by Todar Mal by a test cutting of the crop to the satisfaction of the cultivator and to be fair to him. The payments by share was not fair ever in Akbar’s time as they took away one third of the crop, when all over other parts of Muslim world including Turkey it was only one tenth. But Akbar’s Image of benediction has always taken the historians and the world at large by scruff of the collar.
Ducan also provided the revenue officers to take the revenue from the cultivator either by ‘batai’ or ‘qut’ i.e. actual division of the grain on the threshing field or make an estimation of the produce and accept the share of the administration. Actual division required a prolonged vigil, as the cultivator took away small amounts in the night by stealth, and to stop that a large number of watchmen under the revenue officials were required. On the other hand the officials including “quanungo” assessd the yield and took the administrations’ share. That could be either in cash or kind and a conversion table was prepared for the grain rates into money. The system was as per the old custom of a particular pargana and also the nature of the crop. The price table was drawn twice a year. Later the Bisheshwar ganj grain market started to provide the price table on day to day basis. Ducan’s Regulations stipulated for the plots on the money –rents” as per the 1780 assessment and any additional cess imposed was abolished, while ‘abwabs ‘ levied in 1780 was included in ‘Jama-bandi’ or basic revenue demand and Duncan ensured thet absolute uniformity should be adhered to every cultivator while issuing the ‘Patta’ to him.
The draft was prepared and amils and zamindars took it to the ‘raiyatts’ and in raiyatts villages it was given to the ‘amins’ to take it to them. The aim was the same as of Sher Shah or Todar Mal to inculcate a feeling of belonging amongst the cultivators on whose fruits of labour depended feeling of people and the prosperity of the region as Duncan put it to Mahip Narain Singh as being designed to inspire them with confidence, so as thereby to promote the cultivation itself. Thus the security was brought about for the cultivator by minimizing the play of discretion on the part of the collecting revenue officials. And the blending of various cesses and what Dancan called the subsidiary taxes with the basic land revenue demand, “so as to constitute but one aggregate rate” per bigha was described as being of the highest importance to the peasant, “for it is the opening thus left to the native collectors all over our provinces that enables them to tyrannize over the Ryots, because Government can never know, or enter into numerous devices practiced by the Zamindars and Collectors to extend these articles which they increase, decrease, and alter every year as they think fit”. Three other measures worked to this same end. “The first was the insistence upon the ‘amil’s’ own agreement by which they bound themselves not to collect any larger sum than was authorized by the regulations”. Secondly certain reforms were carried out in the office of the quanungos, which made them independent of the amil’s authority. In particular they were no longer to receive their allowances from the amils but direct from the treasury. They were to maintain the village accounts, aided by the patwaries whose numbers were restored to their full complement, and record the collections made by the amils. Thus they were placed as constitutional checks over the revenue collectors” Thirdly, a court of revenue matters consisting of two Indians-one nominated by the Resident and the other by the Raja were constituted at Benares to settle such disputes as might arise between the Zamindars, peasants and the amils”.The above pattas that were granted to raiyyati were declared “dastur-al-amal” or the law of the land for the region at large. Accordingly, the Zamindars or coparcenary brotherhoods, recognized as land-owners by Duncan in the land-settlement of 1789-90. They were required to issue ‘pattas’ in the prescribed form to the cultivators. In villages that were not settled to zamindars, the cultivators were required to obtain leases from their superior title-holders, or the farmers of new origin. In practice this work was deputed to ‘amils’ as expeditious measures. The raiyyati patta was different from the pattas of the land-owners. It showed the amount of revenue payable by the cultivator and as to how it was to be paid, as per the nature of the crop. But status of the cultivator in the village hierarchy were to be duly considered by the revenue officials, amils and zamindars. If the cultivator was keen on paying at a uniform rate for all types of land, he was allowed to do so. The revenue rate for such tenure, known in Benares as ‘Matri’, was assessed per bigha, three rupees. Cash crops, sugar cane, vegetables, opium and cotton amounted to bigger rates from 2 to seven rupees a bigha. For staple food –wheat barley, grams like in kaithi it was only ten annas per bigha and for inferior land with dry land farming it was as low as three paise. Although lower caste cultivators like the Kurmies paid from fifty six to sixty seven per cent, more. The more industrious and more labourious the more to pay. They also chose the best quality of land near the upper caste settlements with hope of getting water from their wells or ‘rahat’. The land directly under the zamindar was the lowest never more than three annas.
In fact it seems Duncan was concerned, for some reason (of creating a body of body of influential lot) as is shown by his regulations of June 1788, to create a line of discrimination between the positions of land-lords and peasants on a permanent basis. Even the clause about issuing pattas to individual cultivators was concerned it was dropped in five months time and the commission of amins was disbanded. In fact some villagers considered it a matter of degradation to accept the raiyyati patta as against their regular way of paying the revenue either by way of ‘agori-batai’ that is actual division of the crop on the threshing floor”. In like manner some villagers of pargana Mohammad abad in the district of Ghazipur, who claimed to be land- owners but had remained excluded from the settlement in 1789-90, declined to accept pattas from the farmers for the ground which they cultivated alleging that they would thereby suffer degradation. “so the exercise of the amins came to an end for similar problems in issuing pattas agreeable to both the proprietor and the cultivator. The Bengal Government, however, enacted a special regulation No.51 of 1795 defining the relative positions of raiyyats and ‘Malguzara’ under the permanent settlement. The tenth section of this regulation- ‘the great magna carta’-of Benares cultivators provided for the perpetual occupancy of the ‘khudkasht’ or chhapparband raiyyats subject to their payment of the ‘stipulated rent.’
The position of ‘paikasht’ raiyyate was remaining contractual, and only extension of their lease was on mutual consent. In case of dispute between the proprietor and raiyyant regarding rates of rent either party was entitled to go to the civil court of the area and seek justice. “The court was to take into consideration the local rates, Custome and the caste of the cultivator.” The position of the resident cultivator was made secure. They could not be vacated at will by the zaminder and they were called ‘occupancy- tenants’ which later became hereditary tenants under the new Act of the Govt. of United Provinces in 1926,called the U.P.Tenancy Act.
S.P.Singh Esq.
As for the city life in Benares, Jaunpur and Mirzapur and the society between 1750 and 1950, there is a fine depiction in a small novelette called ‘Bahati Ganga’ by shiv prasad Mishra ‘Rudra’. People were hand to mouth but were happy and contented. Society was in great turmoil, and the administrators of the John company had added ‘Barkandaz’ to the police-force to deal with great masters of gambling –dens and their mesmerized troops of following and hangers on like of Shivanath and Bahadur Singh-
Shivnath Bahadur Singh
Veer ka khub bana joda
Sammukh ho kar lade
Nikal kar munh nahi moda.
And the folk-lore goes on,
Do company panch sau
Chadh kar chaprasi aaya
Gali-gali aur kunche –
Kunche naka bandhwaya,
Mirza panchu ne kasam
Khay ke Kuran uthaya---.
And the official announcements were like –
“Khalk khuda ka,Muluk Badshah ka,Hukm Company Bahadur ka-----“.
So it was an accepted fact that the John Company was de- facto rulers. And unruly though popular figures like “Bhangad Bhikshu” and Talwaria Dataram Nagar were eliminated who were personification of the hatred for Warren Hastings after sacking of Chet Singh in 1772.
-------------------
This is written by
Suresh Pratap Singh of Kaithi
Residing at R.M. House, N16/132-B, Vinayaka,
Kamachha , Varanasi. PIN : 221010,
PHONE : 0542-2361159
CELL : 91- 9935398306
Presently residing at:E4-6/23,Spaghetti,Sector-15,Kharghar,Navi
Mumbai-410210,Ph.:022-27745804,Email:singhsp@yahoo.com.
BOOK-III
“Plebeians who would be Kings –
Reghuvanshies, why in Benares.”
-- S.P. Singh
24.7.06
Mumbai.
“Plebeians who would be Kings”
History and myth of Raghuvanshies
- “Counting backwards from 1952
- to seven millennium B.C.”
- with a translation of Raghuvansha – Mahakavya.
2. Raghuvanshies in Benares
1207 A.D. onwards.
Plebeians who would be Kings.
3. Raghuvanshies in Ayodhya – from the beginning to the end – was it Ikshwaku to Sumitra? And was Nain Deo only a pretender to the throne” was he an imposter – posing as the last Raghuvanshi King of Ayodhya?
MAGNUM OPUS ON THE SURVIVAL OF
THE SUN – DYNASTY OF AYODHYA
FROM SEVEN MILLENNIUM B.C. TO 28.06.1952
Around the end of the twelfth century A.D., it became abundantly clear that living in Ayodhya wouldn’t be of any use for the descendants of Raghu – the first world conqueror – as per the great poet of Sanskrit, Kalidas, and of Sri Ram Chgandra, destroyer of the great demon of Shri Lanka-Ravana, to continue their existence there, and their great benefactor came in the form of the villainous Jai Chandra, the perpetuator of the Muslim on-slaught on his nephew and abductor of his daughter Sanyukta, the mighty warrioer Prithviraj Chauhan. Come to think of it, there could be no one in a better position to comprehend the outcome and future of the Indian Sub-Continent after his nexus with Muhammad Ghori, and as he was the ruler of all three Kannauj, Kashi and Ayodhya, he arranged for the displacement of the last Raghuvanshy king Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi in the thick jungle of pargana katehar, sixteen miles away from the township, where the sway of the invading Afgans and Mughals was eminent any time. Suitably he arranged for the betrothal of his grand-niece with Nain Deo. A bard had accompanied Nain Deo from Ayodhaya to Varanasi and his descendant Banshi Kavi recorded the births and deaths of the descendent of his erstwhile king in the form of a booklet which has recorded till Sees Chand the descendant of the king, five hundred years ago. And it was a pure chance that a genealogical table prepared in 1840 or so has been returned by the man who took it way by the force of habit and found it of no use written in “Baithauwa Urdu” undecipherable even by the Urdu-reading gentry on its final translation and recognizing the name of great – grand father’s father, it could be established that indeed it was the House of Sees Chand where we were born, and that it was also the 1st House of Katehar. Then by the process of reverse progression, beginning with last first born at the turn of the last century, it was possible to ascertain the years of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the construction of the present day ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ lived in now for nearly twenty one generations without a break, which could have come once when the head of the 1st House entered in the plot to capture warren Hastings in Varanashi, headed by Raja Chait Singh with assembled force of local Zamindars of 34000 strong, next when Jaipal Singh joined the force of Kunwar Singh of Arrah and attacked the John Company (E.I.C) at Azamgarh, and thirdly on, poisoning of three successive generations in eight years time, culminating on 28.06.1952. But yet the ‘See Chand Mansion’ survived. However, it seems it is true now to relegate it to past and history as it’s successor and memorial to the man who settled Kaithi ‘Rai Chan Singh Judeo’ in 1485 and a reminder of it in the new millennium is ready to hosue the tablet of the geneology of the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ which ought to be restored for posterity and handed over to the Archaelogical Survey of India and UNESCO’s Heritage Preservation.
S. P. Singh
Going backwards in order to establish – 1st House of Katehar’s age as per lodging in ‘Sees Chand Mansion
Starting from official age certificate of
Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh
(with slight approximations for convenience sake)
First borne of Sees Chand Mansion
When 25 years old
1.
Ram Rup Singh
1925 AD
2.
Raj Kumar Singh
1900 AD
3.
Bharat Singh
19865 AD
4.
Ram Sunder Singh
1835AD
5.
Jaipal Singh
1810 AD
6.
Shiv Ratan Singh
1785 AD
7.
Chet Singh alis Janak Rai
1760 AD
8.
Udit Singh
1735 AD
9.
Ragho Rai
1710 AD
10.
Nanhu Rai
1685 AD
11.
Narsingh Bhan
1660 AD
12.
Shri Krishun
1635 AD
13.
Baddu Rai
1610 AD
14.
Tulsi Rai
1585 AD
15.
Iss Chand
1560 AD
16.
Sees Chand
1535 AD
17.
Madan Chand
1510 AD
18.
Rai Chan Singh Judeo
And then beyond, to establish veracity of the years recorded, by our Bard Banshi Kavi, for Deokunwar coming to deorayee in 1380 (?) and Pukar Rai establishing hegemony of the 1st House of Katehar at
Niyar-deeh in 1435 (?)
1485 AD
When 25 in AD
19.
Rai Khemraj Singh
1460 AD
20.
Baba Pukar Rai
1435 AD
21.
Birhaz Rai
1410 AD
22.
Deo Kunwar (Came to Deorayee)
1380 AD
If we take Pukar Rai in Niyar (1435) Samvat, then 435-57=1378 AD as per Banshi Kavi – then
Pukar Rai When 25Yrs. Old per
1378 AD
Rai Khemraj singh
1403 AD
Rai Chan Singh
1429 AD
Madan Chand
1453 AD
Sees Chand
1478 AD
Iss Chand
1503 AD
Tulsi Rai
1528 AD
Baddu Rai
1553 AD
Sri Kishun
1578 AD
Narsinh Bhan
1603 AD
Nanhu Rai
1628 AD
Ragho Rai
1653 AD
Udil Singh
1678 AD
Janak Rai alias Chet Singh
1703 AD
Shiv Ratan Singh
1728 AD
Jaipal Singh alias Purushottam Singh
1753 AD
Ram Sunder Singh
1778 AD
Bharat Singh
1803 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1828 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1853 AD
Ram Rup Singh
AD
Which is absolutely absurd. So Banshi Kavi has erred and put ‘Samvat’ in place of Anno domino.
INDEX
Sr. No.
Title
Remark
Age
119
Nain Deo Migrated to Varanasi from Brijsinhpur
1207 AD
1182 AD
118
Veeram Deo
1157 AD
117
Dharmdeo
1132 AD
116
Chandandeo
1107 AD
115
Kuntaldeo
1082 AD
114
Jang Rao
1057 AD
113
Rann Rao
1032 AD
112
Maha Rao
1007 AD
111
Prachand Rao
982 AD
110
Mani Rao
957 AD
109
Dhani Rao
932 AD
108
Kari Rao
907 AD
107
Hari Dutt
882 AD
106
Deo Datt
857 AD
105
Ramjan
832 AD
104
Ram Renu
807 AD
103
Shubhmani
782 AD
102
Veer Sen
757 AD
101
Brihadbal (Couldn’t be who fought
(in Mahabharat war)
732 AD
100
Sutra
707 AD
99
Moor
682 AD
98
Puhuprao
657 AD
97
Agnivan
632 AD
96
Sudershan
607 AD
95
Purorva “End of Dwapar”
582 AD
94
Dushansh prior to Mahabharat
The earliest and best known kings of kosala were the Ikshavakus or the “Suryavanshies’ who founded Ayodhya in the earliest history of the settlement of the sub-continent by a different , other than the original inhabitants, coming form north, with their Vedic rituals -often described by the Western historians as nothing but “mere pratlings of primitive Aryans”. Of the ten Aryan republics; Ayodhya was the Chief City of ‘North Kosala’ described by Pargiter and other historians.
The Ikshavaku dynasty produced a succession of sovereigns who maintenaned the glory of the family and many of whom occupied the highest position among the Kings of ancient India of the 125 Kings of this line, 94 ruled prior to the end of Mahabharat war and the rest after it, the main like ending in about 4th century B.C. according to some historians, that is the end of their sovereign status.
Kosala’s positions under Magadh:
In the 4th century B.C. the Nanda Kings came to power as the sovereigns of North India, and quite naturally all would assume that even Ayodhya came under the sway and fell to them as an integral part of the empire. There are mentions of Nanda King campign in Ayodhya in ‘Katha Sarit Sagar’. In the later part of the same century the Mauryas superceded the Nandas. And in Circa 184 B.C Pushyamitra captured the throne through teachery and started the Sunga dynasty ending in 75 B.C. In all cases all were Hindus and God-fearing and with respect for the dynasty featuring the incarnate of Vishnu who could not attract any subservience or overthrow of such lineage either ruling or on the head of the Kosala-raj administration, by lesser mortals from far off Patlilputra.
However, the invaders from Greece may have attacked and over-run Saket or Ayodhya, like they did to Panchal and Mathura to reach Patliputra, althought that is only surmised or alluded to by some historians, wanting to do so in their eagerness to put an end to an illustrious lineage of the sub-continent. Even then Patanjali (the grammarian) or any one has not implied as to whether he knew of any slaying of the Ayodhya’s Raghuvanshi king or the lineage itself, or had heard of any such occurance during the running over of Saket or Ayodhya by the Greeks on their way to overtake and attack their main target, Patliputra. An insignificant principality of historical repute (In Indian context) could not absorb them seriously to totally destroy a famous and prosperous city and its ruler. However, historians are often in tearing hurry to see an end to the dynasty, and are found quoting Yugapuran from Gargi Samhita to corroborate their allusion. The Greek invader may have been Demetrius or Meander; on which the opinion of the Historians are again divided, which may make even the Greek invasion of Ayodhya itself mythical.
Sungas sovereignty on Kosala:
Historian have often come to conclusion that by merely having sovereignty of a region makes one an inhabitant of a famous city like Ayodhya; like in the case of Sunga dynasty. Based on inscription found in a field of Ayodhya, calling Senapati Pushyamitra as Lord of Kosala, and a Brahmanical order as the ruler of the city of Ayodya, where once Raja Ramchandra presided on the Raghuvanshi throne. It is further only a presumption that the two Pushyamitras are the same, who may have built a house for his father. So, obviously the General did not reside in Ayodhya, and may have built a house for his father who may have wished to stay in the holy city, prior to his death, preparing for a heavenly abode, thus. And the historians do some overtime and credit the status of a residing or resident monarch on the sung dynasty. As for coins found in the name of Muladevas and Vayudevas does not mean that the Sung dynasty ruled in Ayodhya and had established a mint of their domain in Ayodhya. The statement “The evidence of this type of coin shows hat a dynasty ruled in Ayodhya about the second and first century B.C” and that “the Kosala branch of Sungs…. must have enjoyed a position little short of independence. The same historians hasten to add “The Sunga line of Ayodhya had certainly become extinct with the advent of the ‘Kushanas’ into whose hands Kosala passed in the 1st Century A.D. and who ruled over it for a century or so. “If it was not so the Sungas could have carried on. On the contrary if the historians were to surmise that the sovereignty of Ayodhya passed in the hands of Sungas when they ruled at Patliputra. Even if we agree that a branch of Sungas were actual resident rulers of Ayodhya, there was no cause to annihilate the Ikshavaku’s descendants, as temporal head of Ayodhya or Saket, or as ordinary if exalted citizen of the city, which was ruled for 125 or so generations of their fore-fathers and until recent times – when threat to their life and limbs, to their dignity and esteem and to their honour and modesty was visible, only due to their pre-eminent position in the city of Ayodhya, they decided to vacate the city of their fore-furthers which happened during the rule and sovereignty of Gahadwal or Gaharwar Kings, who were well related to them, and found a hermitage in Kashi also ruled by Gahadwals, much later than of the times of Sungas and Kushanas, the Mauryas and Nandas, Guptas and ‘Maukharis’ and the Gujara Pratiharas.
Tibetan and Chinese writings contain the traditions of Kanishka’s conflict with the Kings of Saket and Patliputra and they beign subdued by him. This Victory brought to Kanishka in contract with ‘Asvagosh’ author of ‘Buddhacharita’, residing in Ayodhya. Asvagosh was one of the earliest converts to Buddhism, from being a learned Brahmin, a poet and theologian.
Kushanans sovereignty may have lasted till the advent of Guptas.
The Guptas and Ayodhya :
who was not read Kailidas “Raghuvansa Mahakavya”, mainly of the world conquest of “Raghu” son of Dalip, and lucid description of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya (379-413 A.D) coming to Ayodhya and being full of sorrow on seeing the desolate and depleted city of Ayhodhya and he being a supreme Vaishnav, setting about in the task of restoration of the once beautiful city, where Bhagwan Rama resided at one time. Earlier Chandra Gupta I created the Kingdom which extended to Saket (Ayodhya) and Prayag; and even the great conqueror SamudraGupta may have held a camp of victory(Jayaskandhavara)in Ayodhya, including the great City under his domain. And his son was King Vikramadity of Ujjain, in whose court of the great poet Kalidas resided and described the restoration of Ayodhya in minutest detail. The also shows no body had lived or ruled in Raghuvanshies Ayodhya, all these years and the Raghuvanshi king from Kushavati was brought back to newly restored and resplendent Ayodhya; by none other than Vikramaditya of Ujjain. Some how, Ayodhya, rather than Patliputra became the premier city in the 5th century A.D. during the days of Gupta rulers.
The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien traveled in India for ten years (c. 400-411 A.D.) during the reign of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya and visited the city of Sha-Chi, where he found that the Brahmins and Buddhist were not on best of terms. He noted a stupa where the four Buddhas had sat and also the ‘Neem’ tree that had sprouted form the tooth brush stick thrown away by the Buddha. ‘Sha-Chi’ is often identified with Sageda of Ptolemy and our Saket or Ayodhya.
Ayodhya may have been the seat of power even after Skandgupta and later rulers of dynasty till the rise of Maukharis in the 6th century A.D.
Rise of Maukharis & Shift to Kannauj:
After the Gupta’s decline, Ayodhya again became desolate. The new dynasty of Maukharis with their capital at Kannauj, Kannauj assumed importance in the new political map of north-India; including their sovereignty over Ayodhya. Maukhari coins are often found in district Faizabad; and Rivett Carnac had found such coins in Ayodhya itself confirming Maukhari’s rule in Ayodhya from historian’s point of view. But a lot of these coins have been associated with ‘Siladitya-Pratapasila’ whom Sir Richard Barn identifies with Harsh Vardhan (606-647) AD, in whose hands the dominion of Maukharis had passed, which would prove the historians that Ayodhya was also under the rule of Harsh Vardhan.
During Harsh’s reign the famous Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang (630-644 AD) passed through Avadh, traveling form Kannauj and Crossing the Ganges, he reached the O-Yu-to country. The capital, about a mile to the South of the river, that has generally been identified with Ayodhya. According to the Chinese traveler the region yielded good crops and a genial climate and plentiful in fruits and flowers. Citizens had agreeable nature. There were about 100 Buddhist monastries, but only about ten templs of Hindus at that time, but he doesn’t speak of the Government.
Soon after the death of Harshvardhan, the empire went into disray and anarchy prevailed, till the time grate Yashovarmana of Kannauj appeared to take command after tour of victory described in ‘Gaudavaho’ by the court poet ‘Vakpatiraja’ entering Ayodhya, describing it as the city of Harischandra where people simply submitted to him, calling them people living in ‘Mandara Mountains’. So in the 8th century too, Ayodhya wielded a prominence for new Kings and conquerors and it was necessary to include it in their empire. Although it does not say that the Raghuvansies were not at the head of the temporal and local governments the they could not have been killed as all conquerors till now were Hindus and as they did not show force of power, no Hindu Conqueror would slay a descendants of Ram, Raghu and Harishchandra. The city was certainly deserted as the Chinese travelers and great poets like Kalidas and Vakpatiraju describe the city in “Raghuvansha-Mahakavya” and “Gaudavaho”. However, the scions of the grate lineage had been definitely reduced to merely nothingness for historians and bards to take any notice of. But surly on close scrutiny by further scholars, there would be a foot-note in literature or history re-affirming the continued existence of the Raghuvanshies in Ayodhya and we cannot simply discard the genealogical table, howsoever empirical as hog-wash, as Banshi Kavi had not stones to grind, of his own or of his benefactors, the descendants of Raja Nain Deo, who was accompanied by poet/bard Hathiram Kavi – the ancestor of Banshi Kavi, although number of generations does not match that of his benefactor’s.
History doesn’t record much about the immediate successors of Yashovarman. In the beginning of the 9th Century A.D. the Gurjar Pratihara Kings starting from Nagabhatta II to Mahipala (912-944 AD), ruled Ayodhya from Kannauj till the time their days of decline began and different parts of their empire began to fall away. The greatest height of their reign came during the period ruled by Mihir Bhoj (836-885 AD). The whole of Avadh was under his rule and records of his successor Mahendrapala I (885-908 AD) have been found in Ayodhya. They may have had twin cities of Ayodhya and Kannauj as their seat of power, owning to their strategic and regional importance of controlling the empire. By this time, Avadh was fragmented and was ruled by small chief tens with some military power at their disposal. One Trilokchandra head of the Srivastava clan crossed the Sarayu and occupied ayodhya in 918 AD, till the time of advent of power of Gahadavalas of Kannauj. Chandradeva (1085-1110 AD) established the dynasty at Kannauj and extended it to Kashi and included Ayodhya and other holy places Kushika, Uttar Kosala and Indrasthana, which he protected with valour and zeal of a great Hindu King.
The beginning if Muslim Invasions:
Perhaps the first Muslim invasion took place in 1032 AD in the form of a legendary hero Saiyyad Salar Mqsud Ghazi, popularly known as Ghazi Milan. Abdur Rahman Chisti (died 1683 AD) describes Gazi Mian as having occupied Avadh (not Ayodhya) some time before 1030AD. Also the folklore and recorded accounts show that before Ghazi Mian could enter Ayodhya and slay the Raghuvanshi King, Raja Suheldeo of Bhars tackled him in Suhelwa forest in Bahraich and put an end to his religious crusades in the name of Allah. People gather at the tomb of Ghazi Mia and celebrate the common bond of integration of Hindu-Muslim unity in the present days. But surely then time had come for the Raghuvanshies to vacate Ayodhya, now that the invaders were no more Hindu Kings, who would spare them their lives, dignity and honour. And in my opinion this was the time when the last Raghuvanshi King donated the symbolic Kingdom of Avadh to Brahmins and moved away in a hiding to Brijsinhapur across Saryu river, or hid themselves somewhere in Ayodhya itself; if they were spared the terror of the freak warrior saint Ghazi Mian, by the valour and loyalty of Bhar’s Chieften Raja Suheldeo, by slaying Ghazi Mian in Suhelwa forest, before Ghazi Mian could reach Ayodhya and kill the Symbolic Hindu King of historical importance in order to eliminate all impediments to spread of Islam.
If the Raghuvanshi King did dare to stay on in the periods ruled by Chandradeva of Gahadwals, by 1194 AD Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam (Commonly known as Shihad-ud-din Ghori) defeated Jayachandra and killed him is the battle of Chandawar (near Itawa) and automatically became the over lord of Avadh and Ayodhya both and a lieutenant of his may have been posted at Ayodhya, immediately or after a lapse of few years, in which Ghori settled down and began to rule the northern part of the sub-continent. And if Banshi Kavi is right about king Nain Deo donating Ayodharaj to his pariest to leving for Benares and wrong about Samvat 1207 (it should be 1207 AD), it tallies to the known historical details generally recorded by eminent historians on the path shown by their peers and past eminent historians. There is a discrepancy of thirteen years from the time of defeat of Jay Chandra to the sacking of the last Raghuvanshi King from Ayodhya which could be due to vacillation on the part of King Nain Deo about the pros and cons of leaving Ayodhya or perish in the country of their fore-fathers. At this juncture, there was a great factor of the influence of the Gahadvals, and who else but the famed adversary of Prithviraj Chauhan, the ruler of Kannauj, Jayachandra. To my mind comes the arrangement of marriage of a Gahadwal princes (perhaps the legendry Bindumati) daughter of equally legendry King Banar, who had come back from Kantit and had re-established himself at Rajghat on the banks of Ganges, where the last Raghuvanshi King was won-over by the charms of the Gahadwala princess, or perhaps who was already a suitor-in-waiting, for her as desired and designed by the ruler of Kashi-Kannauj and Ayodhya, Jaychandra. Resigned to the sense of futility of staying-on in Ayodhya for the Raghuvanshi King as the Muslim invasion and rule became imminent ever since Ghzi Mian wanted to eliminate five principal Hindu Kings held in the highest esteem by the followers of Hinduism, in order to show the flimsyness of their religion and the rulers. So long various Hindu Kings demanded submission of Ayodhya to their invading and marching armies and received the same from the temporal Raghuvanshi Kings, no harms came to the life, limbs, dignity and honour of the great solar dynasty and also to the present representative of the same dynasty. But now once the Muslim rulers came about the symbolic Raghuvanshi king would not be left alive or as temporal head of a by gone dynasty,meaning so much to the Hindus. They could not be sacrificed to the imminent invaders and rulers and had to be saved, somehow, by making them move to safer haunts, where they would survive in oblivion, in the thick forest of Katehar and Dobhi, still under the domain of Gahadvals descendants and de-facto ruler in Rajghat, where a colleague of Ghazi Mian was slain, and Raja Banar had returned from his hiding in Kantit (Mirzapur) and re-established the legendry remnants of the Gahadwal’s empire of Kashi-Kannauj and Ayodhya, and surely he was not the one slain by Ghazi Mian in 1032 AD, as we are made to confuse by the historians recording the religious fervors of Ghazi Mian.
Need of convincing proof of Solar race’s genuineness needed by present day historians:
When I had shown my genealogical table to the Director Monuments of the ASI, New Delhi, in early eighties, he calculated with 19 ½ year for each generation and it tallied with the years based on the results of the excavations in Ayodhya and Mr. Sunderaraja was very excited about papers at my disposal and later on wrote to me to send them to him in the ASI. He also spoke of a book at Shimla’s College of Advanced Studies, which says that Ram son of Dasharath in Ayodhya was in fact Ram IV son of Dashrth IV and book (which I have not yet found) goes onto detail about Ram II to have lived and ruled in Afghanistan, in the process of migration down South to India. The same book also mentions of a rock edict narrating the victory of Dashrath on the ‘Asuras’ and proclamation of peace, thereafter, found in Syria. That was all based on the theory that the Aryans came from the Syria.Tilak and Sri Arvindo wrote in their treatise on ‘Rigveda’ that Aryans came from the Tundras. But new excavations in the Gangetic Valley is proving things otherwise. A recent meet in the B.H.U. on “studies on the Ganges Civilization, Shifting paradigms”, goes on to prove with the help of results of recent excavations in Lahuradeo, Tokwa and Imlideeh etc. have given ample proof that people lived and practiced cultivation in the Central Gangetic plain, some ten thousand years ago. Earliest cultivators of land had established themselves seven thousand years before Christ. This was brought-out by Sri. R. S. Bisht former Joint Director of ASI who I had gone to see in Patna,in early eighties, regarding the historicity of ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ and he had sent a ASI team to my village in my absence and because of that the investigations in the process were, unfortunatley nipped in the bud, then. He said that the B.H.U., the Allahabad University and the Archaeological Survey of Uttar Pradesh Government, have undertake excavation work in many places and agriculture and animal husbandry was estimated, based on proofs in Laburadev, to be of good and advanced order. The findings of potteries and proofs located in ‘Lahurdev’ and ‘Imlideeh’ are similar to those found in ‘Silkhadi’ from Mehargarh; based on the age of the trees and signs of hutment dwellings and many more things and their analysis and classification, along with Carbon-dating and other ultra-modern and scientific techniques of archaeology. So now we can safely assume that the history of the Gangetic civilization is ten to twelve thousand years old. F.E. Pargiter and Sitanath Pradhan and other historians drew-out. A list of 108 generations of the Solar dynasty of the ‘Ikshawaku’ kings of Ayodhya. In 1980, A.N. Chandra, basing his calculations on Puranic tables declared that “Vaivasvat Manu” established Ayodhya’s Kingdom around seventh millennium before Christ. The Mehergarh civilization excavated near Bolan-pass in Pakistan is also being dated and classified as of seventh millennium B.C. and Aryan in origin. In fact the excavations have shown traces, potteries and various other proofs of the existence of Aryan Civilization as far back as the ninth millennium before Christ. In 1987 Professor Collin Renfreen published his book “Archaeology and Language” denouncing the ill-gotten notion on archaeology, held till date and propagated by wheeler etc. that invading Aryans decimated the Harappan and Mohenjodaro civilizations in the Indus Valley. It is proved by the author that the Aryan and Indus Valley civilizations are of the same origin including the language. Dr. Ram Vilas Sharma has also illustrated through his books on west Asia and ‘Rig-veda’ that Rig Vedic Aryans were originated in this country and did not come from outside, like Syria etc. in fact, the Indian Aryans visited Greece and other European countries and advertised the Aryan Culture and put the foundation of the Indo-European linguistic family in Europe. In fact the Aryans lived and mediated in Garhwal and my own uncle has ordered the Quanungos and Patwaris of the settlement department of U.P. Govt, to collect all folklore, folk songs and folk-tales of the districts of Garhwal division’s villages, during the settlement of the 1950’s and often related to us about the villages where Vishnu or Indra were born. He could never compile the records collected by his subordinates as having no stenographer at his disposal and being to lethargic to sit-down and write on his own after retirement. The papers passed on to my sister-in-law and may still be in her possession at Biru-nagla Farm, Kichha of Distt. Nainitul, where some one should go and complete the work which will further. Authenticate the works like that of Dr. Sharma.
Ayodhya was the prime republic in Pargiter’s list of ten republics of the Aryans and was controlled by Indra from his seat of power in Garhwal of Himalayas. He wouldn’t let Raghu finish his hundredth ‘Ashwamedh Yagna’ for his father Dalip, in order to maintain his primacy. But, surely he wouldn’t kill the most illustrious prince, as he was one of his own. All he wanted was supremacy over all Aryan sovereigns on the sub-continent.
Ayodhya is indeed the oldest human achievement on a grand scale resulting in establishment of an empire and representing a unique and proud civilized society. As was shown earlier all might rulers wanted its possession after the fall from grace of the rulers of the Solar dynasty and was nearly finished with it. The historians of today want convincing proof of the genuineness of the origin of a clan of solar descent which is partially and slowly being provided by the excavations.
Men of Prof. B.B. Lal’s repute have done praiseworthy work by excavating sites of ‘Ramayan’ and Mahabharat’ but only to start a controversy in the age of Dwapar and ‘Treta’ and thereby denying the Vedic age history of the sub-continents; and hurting the root of the Hindu sentiment. Even as Mr. Soundarajan, erstwhile director, monuments pointed out to me that 120+25=145 odd generations multiplied by 191/2 years for each generationh, i.e. about 3000 years is correct in the sense that uptill then (1980) what was unearthed in Ayodhya was of the age of 1000 years before Christ. That amounts to Six Millenniums short of the time calculated by Sri A.N. Chandra in 1980 as to when Vaivasvat Manu put the foundation of Ayodhya.
The Russian Scholars Views:
Some Russian studies in the seventies have come out with a cycle of twelve thousand year before the holocast or the ‘Pralaya’, allotting one thousand years for ‘Satyug & two thousand for ‘Dwapar’ (or treat as per the exchange of the two Yugas) three thousand years for ‘treta’ (or new exchanged ‘Dwapar’) and four thousand years for ‘Kalyoug’ plus 500 years for transformation period between two ‘Yugas’ and one thousand years between Dwapar and ‘Kalyug’. The last cycle at its end had the biblical ‘Noah’s Arc’ placed on the highest point on earth (between Turkey and Russia) saving a pair of each specie for the new cycle of twelve thousand years. So in a way, twelve thousand years of the Gangetic plain’s civilization are coming to an end and the current cycle is about to conclude on that premise, the Puranic Ram and Raghu were definitely not the primitive Aryan Cultivators in the seventh or sixth millennium before Christ. There may have been another set of Ram and Raghu in an earlier 12000 years cycle whose names were again adopted by Ram II, son of Dashrath of modern Ayodhya, or else for 9000 years since Vaivasvat Manu established Ayodhya, we will have to account for 450 odd generations of the Raghuvanshies in Dobhi and Katehar, instead of just 145 generations. There is a great conflict. Indeed between the Puranic tales of Ikschwaku Kings and those on the basis of our bard’s and even the excavations of Ayodhya. That requires deeper study of A.N. Chandra and others.
Ayodhya in Vedas;
In the ‘Atharveda’ Ayodhya has been described as having been built by the Gods and being as prosperous as the paradis itself. The Satapatha Brahman speaks of Kosla as one of the countries of the Vedic Aryans and grammarian Panini mentioned it in his sutras. It’s vivid description is to be found in Valmiki’s ‘Ramayan’ and in ‘Mahabharata’ gives it the epithet of ‘Punyalakshana’. The ‘Ikshvakus’ of the ‘Suryavasa’ were the Kings of the Kosala of which Ayodhya was the capital.
According to the Jain tradition, twenty-three out of the twenty-four Tirthankaras were of this line, of whom five were born in Ayodhya including ‘Adinatha’ (or Rishabhdeva) who was the first. The Ikshvaku dynasty produced a succession of sovereigns who maintained the glory of the family and many of them occupied the highest position amongst the kings of ancient India. The recorded rulers of this dynasty various between 108 and 125, of which 94 were supposed to have ruled prior to Mahabharat war and the rest after it. The sovereignty of the Kingdom seen to have been lost to the dynasty as per some historians and poets around 4th century B.C., or the main line may have perished at that time of history. Ikshavaku the eldest son of Vaivasvata Manu received the City of Ayodhya from his father and started the long dynasty. He had a hundred sons – Vikukshi or Shashanka had to attack the forces of Ayodhya to become its king, as he was asked to leave Ayodhya by Sage Bashishtha for having eaten all hare during collection of meat from the jungle for ‘Yagna’. But he proved a worthy king and ruled in accordance with law and custom. Ninth son of Ikshavaku Nimi established ‘Videh’ later Known as ‘Janakpur’ on Nepal boarder, from where hailed ‘Sita’. The consort of ‘Ramchandra’. Sakuni at the head of fifty sons of Ikshavaku became the keeper and protector of Northern India and the remaining forty seven established themselves as rulers over Southern India.
The earth is called ‘Prithvi’ from ‘Prithu’, the fifth in line, who leveled the plains for agriculture. His great grandson Sravasta built the latest time capital of Uttar Kosala, Sravisti. Then seventeenth in line come the great ‘Mandhata’ who ruled the entire world and like for Queen Victoria, the sun never set on his vast empire around the globe, though because of the literature of Mahakavi, Kalidas may credit ‘Raghu’ as the first world conqueror.
Purakusta son of Mandhata defeated the Gandharavas and married a ‘Naga’ princess and his grandson Anaranya was killed in a battle fought at what is now known as Raunahi, about 15 miles from Ayodhya. The 31st King Harishchandra, is well known as lover of truth and slaved for the ‘Domraja’ on the burning ghats of Kashi and demanded dues from his queen, come to cremate his own son Rohitashva, doing it as a servant of the ‘Domraja’. He was a mighty ruler and also performed the ‘Rajasuya’ sacrifice. The 37th king Bahu is supposed to have lost to the confederacy of the Haihayas, the Telajanghas and other allied Kshatriyas. His posthumous son sagar vanquished the Haihayas and the Talajanghas. The non-Aryan tribes living on the frontiers were also defeated time and again by him. He too performed the asvamedha yagna of horse sacrifice. Sagar’s grand-son Anshuman and great grandson Dilip and his son Bhagirath are today considered to be the peers of Civil engineering, and turned the Ganges flowing east-ward, alongside the Brahmaputra to westward and eventually coming in the now so called the Gangetic plains, life sustaining and irrigation provider Bhagirathi.
Here alone one may argue of considering the age of Ganges in the plains-which is surely not within three thousand years of Raghuvanshis and Ikshavaku put together. And Sagar of the tale and his lineage upto Bhagirath definitely belongs to another twelve thousand year cycle of civilization as being computed by Russians.
Bhagirath’s great grand son Amberish was a great worshiper of Vishnu and brought Ayodhya back to its old glory. He was also a great donor. His grandson Rituparna was a contemporary of the celebrated Vidarbha monarch, Nala (mentioned in the Mahabharat), to whom he taught the secrets of the art of throwing the dice and from whom he acquired the science of training horses. Rituparna’s grandson was Sudasa who is often identified with the Vedic Sudasa of Dasarajna war. It was at the time of his successor, Kalmashpada and the kings that followed that the kingdom of Ayodhya seemed to have suffered reverses. His grand son Mulaka (or Narikavach) had to be raised in secret to save him to continue the royal family of Kosla. There seem to be a bifurcation in the line for six or seven generations, once again uniting under Dalip II or Khatvanga. His son was great Raghu, after whom the family came to be called ‘Raghuvansies . he is famed as the first world-conqueror and performer of ‘Visvajit’ Yagna. Mahakavi Kalidas wrote the great ‘Raghuvansa- Mahakavya’ and all Raghuvanshies should read it. Kalidas says that as Balmiki etc. have already opened the passage to relate the story of the great family of the Solar dynasty, I too am emboldened to proceed to sing in the praise of worthy Raghuvanshies whose empire extended from the high seas in the West to east and down South, whose invincible chariots proceeded directly to the heaven, who performed ‘Yagnas’ as prescribed in holy books and scriptures and donated ceaselessly and collected wealth for being able to do so forever and who spoke seldom for the victory of truth and who conquered over others to raise the level of their fame and glory and who married for progeny only and not for sexual-gratification and who awarded the monarchy on reaching old age to their successors to proceed to the forests to meditate like Rishies and breathe their last, rememebering the almighty.
Like ‘om’ is the very first in the Richas of the Vedas. Similarly son of Sun-God was Vaivasvat Manu, who was revered and honoured by great scholars, hermits and Rishies. In the same dynasty of Vaivasvat Manu, was born king Dalip, who offered peace and tranquility like the moon to one and all. He was very handsome and of great character. And as he was handsome, he was equally of highest intelligence. In early age itself he had finished gaining all knowledge that was to be acquired lie was strict dispenses of law, unbiased and soft hearted. Everyone in his kingdom followed the rules and followed the religion as per the division of caste in the scriptures. Like the sun draws the water from the earth by the heat of its rays, similarly Raja Dalip whatever taxes he collected from the subjects, he spent on their welfare and development of community. Raja Dalip never told any one the secrets of his heart, neither did he allow any one to know it. He lived fearlessly and patiently and calmly he governed his people and dutifully held-up the religion. He spent a lot of time on religious deeds.
Raja Dalip what he received in taxes from the people, he spent on Yagnas to placate Lord Indra for good monsoon. This way Raja Dalip and Lord Indra helped each other to nourish the earth and heaven and to rule both in grace. Brahma has definitely made Raja Dalip from, earth, water, Fire, Air and the sky, the five basic elements, because the five elements always serve the mother earth with smell, sensuality, healthy, touch and sound. others prospered on account of goodness of Dalip. Like Dakshina is famous as the consort of Yagna, similarly born in Maghad empire Sudakshina was the consort of Raja Dalip. It was his earnest desire that his beloved wife' should present him with a son like himself. So he handed over the administration to Minister and took Sudakschina on his chariot to the family-priest's abode. He did not take too many servants with him so as not to disturb the Rishi's Asham. On the way the breeze was caressing them gently with the essence of flowers and nector of the sal-trees, making the tree leaves shiver.
As Dalip reached the abode of Bashishta in the evening he felt the fragrance of 'Havana' spreading all over in the vicinity and purifying the guests presence. He asked the chariot-driver to stop before the 'Ashram' and helped Sudikshana to alight from the chariot, first and then got down himself.
On hearing the news of his arrival the gentle people of the 'Ashram' came forward to welcome their protector and his consort the Queen. When evening prayers were over they took them to Rishi Bashishtha. Then Raja Dalip greeted his family-priest, behind whom pious lady Artmdhati was sitting just like 'Swaha' sitting behind the Fire-pith of the 'Yagna'. Both the king and the queen most sincerely touched the feet of the Guru and his lady and received loving blessings from both of them. Then the great sage enquired of the King, as to whether was well in his Kingdom. Then the King replied that by the virtue of his blessings, in the, kingdom, the King, the ministers, friends, the treasury, the bounty and forts and the Army, all the seven arms are abrim. Fire & flood, pestilence and untimely death the natural disasters and the thiefs, the dacoits, the enemies, the human problems can be overcome by your very blessings and because of your influence there is no distress in the kingdom. With your blessings there are no early deaths, neither is anyone afraid of distresses or disasters of any kind. When you yourself, the son of Brahma is always thoughtful of our welfare, then why should we not live without hindrance or let.
But, O' great sage, this daughter-in-law of yours, Sudakshina is without a progeny and I find this great earth of seven continents as unsavoury and it seems after I am dead there will be nobody to sanctify me. Thinking of this impediment my ancestors refuse to accept the food penance offered by me and instead they begin to grieve as to who after me will offer them food and water, when the season for offering them such offerings come and they fear they will go hungry and thirsty. Therefore, O' great sage, please do tell me of some such means that I am blessed with a son and I am cleared of the debts to my ancestors because O' great sage; You have always and forever cleared the obstacles of the Ikshawaku Kings. On hearing King Dalip, sage Bashishtha shut his eyes to meditate and untangle the reason for the absence of the progeny to the present King. O' King; Listen to me. Once upon a time on your return-journey to the earth after having helped Lord Indra in the battle of Indra's forces against those of the Asuras, the eternal cow 'Kamdhenu' was resting under the 'eternal tree', the Kalpa-Vriksha and in your great sexual urge to meet Sudakshina, who had just bathed and cleaned her hair locks after the periods, you ignored the eternal-cow Kamdhenu and did not go around her and rever her presence on your way to your Queen. This infuriated her immensely as she took it upon her as an insult of her eternal bliss and she put a curse upon you that so long you will not show survitude and penance to her progeny, you shall not be blessed with a progeny yourself. At that time there was a great noise and Stampede in the sky and the milkyway and neither you yourself nor your Chariot-driver could hear of her cursing and the curse itself.
Now at this time Kamdhenu has proceeded to the inner-core of the earth to provide Lord Varun of the sacrificial material for his 'Yagna'. There are scores of huge poisonous shakes guarding the gates of that place and her audience is not possible. Therefore, 0' King, you and your Queen take her progeny and daughter Nandini the eternal cow and cherish and serve with a clear conscience assuming her to be a representative of Kamdhenu. When Bashishtha was speaking to the King, the omnipresent Nandini returned from the forest and on seeing her calf, warm and life sustaining milk oozed-out of her udder. The gentle earth flying in the air from the hoofs of Nandini made the king as clean and pure as if he had just returned from a pilgrimage. Recognising the good omen. Sage Bashishtha spoke to Dalip - 0' king your wishes will soon be fulfilled as on remembering her,the omnipotent Nandini has come to us. You proceed in her service, taking only roots, fruits and other produce of the forest - when She moves. You follow her, when she rests, you stay behind her and then only you rest. When she drinks water, you too drink water only then. Your good wife Sudakshina should get up early and worship her with great devotion and follow her. Out of the Ashram's boundaries on her way to the jungle and she should receive Nandini at the same place on her return from her sojourn in the thick forest and back to the Ashram. Till such time, that the eternal cow is not pleased with your devotion and service, you should continue to serve her and look-after her. God willing there is no hindrance and there are no impediments in your undertaking and like you are an able son of your father, you should also beget a similarly able son .With great modesty the King replied to the sage Bashishtha, that indeed he will do likewise. Thereafter he and his consort obtained the blessings for carrying on this vow, from his family-priest and teacher. It was now well past in the night and Sage Bashishtha arranged for suitable fruits for the King's penance fasting and weed-mattress on the ground to rest in the night, in a cottage made for him and Raja Dalip spent the night there with his Consort Queen Sudakshina observing celibacy.
CHAPTER II
Having rested in the special cottage during the night the welfare king of his subjects Dalip set free the newly lactated Nandini cow for taking her to the Jungle, who had been already worshipped by Queen Sudakshina with sandle-wood paste and flower garlands and the young lactic was tied-up on a bamboo-bull in the ground with a soft hessian rope, thereby keeping him out of mischief. Chief amongst the chaste wives devoted only to their husbands, wife of King Dalip sudakshina followed the purified dusty path of Nandini' s hooves just like Manusmriti follows the customs. Generous King Dalip after sending back the delicate queen Sudakshina with the servants and maids started to attend the slow moving Nandini, made heavy with lactated udders. The king stopped and waited when Nandini stopped as and when she felt like it, moved when she began to move, sat down only when she sat, drank water only when she did so - this way he followed that eternal cow Nandini like a shadow. Devoid of the Crown, the overhead royal umbrella, the fan and other such royal paraphernalia, he was yet very much like a king full of glow and-grandeur of the personality of his own and holding a bow with an arrow about to be shot and delivered to punish the vile untamed animals of the forest in order to keep the provider of Sage Bashishtha's Yagna material, the Nandini, safe and sound from any untoward attack on her being while grazing around in the forest. The trees in his vicinity heralded him a welcome by exhilarated shrieking of birds sitting on those trees, the flowery vines showered their flowers on Dalip the King, the dears and does got full use of their large eyes by standing fearlessly and looking at him over fully and fearlessly time and again, gentle, cool and fragrant breeze caressed him and served him thus, the jungle-fire got extinguished merely on the entry of King Dalip in the forest.
On the setting of the evening, Nandini, having purified the forest land by her roaming about, began to start for the Sage's abode. Dalip, too, watching the forest-scenery followed her. Near the Ashram, King at the back, Nandini in the middle and upfront Queen Sudakshina come forward to welcome Nandini home. This way Nandini looked lovely and gorgeous in between Dalip and Sudakshina like the twilight hour between the day and the night. Sudakshina went about worshipping Nandini again. Though keen to have her lactic Nandini gracefully accepted the delay from the Queen, which made both of them very happy. After salutation of the Rishi and his consort and at the end of the evening prayers and having collected the milk from Nandini's udders, Dalip again started to attend to Nandini coming to sitting down posture. There was an earthen cup with oil and cloth-strand to produce light nearby Nandini and eatables for her use. On her retiring to sleep, the King and sudakshina also used to go to sleep and woke up no sooner she got up from Sleep. This way, Dalip serving Nandini in the Company of his wife, Dalip passed twenty one days.
On the twenty second day, while the King began watching the scenery of the hills, Nandini, to test the heart-felt feelings of the King, entered a passage (going to a cave) in the Himalayas was attacked by a tiger. Hearing her heart rendering shrieks, on entering inside the King saw a tiger-sitting on top of her and Nandini was looking at him for mercy. On seeing this the king withdrew an arrow to kill the tiger, but his hands stopped and be became frozen and he stood still. On consideration of his valour being negated like this, and seeing him wonder-struck like a snake made impotent by the virtue of Mantras and medicines, the tiger spoke in human voice. O' king your effort to kill me is of no consequence. I am a servant of Lord Shiva, who is revered by you also once upon a time wild elephants to get rid of their itching rubbed on the pine tree and removed the top skin of the fine trees by rubbing their massive trunks and their heads, the sight of which pained Goddess Parvati, because she had reared those trees like her children. From that time onwards Lord Shiva appointed me to look-after the trees and ordered me to eat whatever animal came near me in order to survive. Therefore I shall eat the cow. You return without dishonour and shame, you have imparted obedienc e to the teacher well enough what is not within one's reach, there is no fault in it of the person concerned. On hearing this the king was relieved of his' guilt and shame and said O' Mrigendra the Tiger, undoubtedly Lord Shiva is revered by me, but this cow of my priest is not to be ignored and the gentle calf of her's will be eagerly awaiting to be fed by her. Therefore O' tiger of this forest, please make a meal of my body and satiate your appetite by doing so, but I beg you to spare the cow.
On hearing this the tiger produced a grin and spoke again to Dalip O' king; You seem to be devoid of intelligence as I can see it, because for an ordinary and lowly cow a kingdom so large and your young age and beautiful body you are putting at stake to loose the same. Your kindness will benefit just one Nandini, but if you continue living you will ceaselessly look-after the welfare of your subjects. If you are afraid of your priest you can present him with many more cows producing far more milk and subdue his anger. Therefore do not insist on ending your life, enjoy the mundane heaven on earth. After having said so and on the tiger becoming quiet, Dalip said, O' hunter of the deers, to save others from annihilation is the duty of a Kshatriya and for me to live after contradicting such long-held belief, is of no consequence. Appeasement of my family priests' ire will not be possible by donating other cows to him. Take this Nandini to be the Kamdhenu herself and because your attack is blessed by Lord Shiva and therefore I think it imperative to offer my limbs to you in order to save her being. In such a way your appetite will be satiated as well as the sage's 'Yagna' and sacrifices will continue to be performed without any hindrance. You are dependent upon someone and you know what is it like being dependent. If something to be cherished is destroyed, then a servant cannot appear before the master out of shame and guilt. Pray have mercy on me, I have no love for my life because a man as victorious and brave as I am has no faith in positively and eternally destructible human embodiment. To offer my own life and limbs to be able to save the holy cow is supreme religion and that is what I do desire. Learned ones say that conversation brings about friendship, thus we are friends now. Therefore o' friend of mine, please do not shatter my prayer. On hearing of his pleas and on acceptance of it by the tiger the kings massive arms became loose and after removing his armaments, he presented himself to the tiger as if he was a big chunk of meat for the tiger to devour with his head bent down waiting for the tiger to make his ferocious attack Dalip received a showering of flowers from the heavens above and Nandini spoke up, o' son rise and on hearing the nector like words from Nandini the king saw Nandini looking at him like a mother but not the tiger and he was perplexed ever so much, when Nandini addressed him again. She said, youngman because of the influence of the sage Bashishtha) not evem Yamraj the death-God can bring any harm to myself, let alone other animals. I produced the tiger with magic to test your devotion and I am much pleased with your devotion to your teacher and your sense of mercy on all creatures, speak-up and ask for a boon to be granted by me, say what do you want? Do not consider me merely a lactating cow, but eternal Kamdhenu in a good mood, to be able to grant you a boon. On hearing this the king folded his hands in salutation to her and asked for a son to sudakshina to prolong him from generation to generation. Nandini granted him the boon by saying so be it and asked him to take some milk from her udder in a suitable cusp of leaves and to drink it up. But the king said O' mother that I shall do only after you have fed the lactic and provided for the 'daily-Yagna' of the sage. And thereafter on emerging out of the cave with the Holy cow he related the entire episode to the sage on reaching his abode' the Ashram' and happily told the same thing again and happily to his consort Sudakshina, although seeing the happy countenance of the King he had already realized it. After with the kind permission of the sage, he drank the milk remaining after feeding of lactic and ‘Havana'. Next day after completion of the Holy Cow fasting he took permission to depart from the sage with his blessings and completed the pious enclosure for yagna of the sage, and with his better-half ,he boarded his chariot with Sudakshina to leave for his capital city. On his arrival in Ayodhya the subjects welcomed him wirh great rejoicing, exhuberance and hope. Thereafter taking-over the reigns of the kingdom from the Ministers he looked after his people and his subjects as per the scriptures and statutes of fo1anu, his ancestor. And by and by like the skies wear the moon coming from the eyes of Sage Atri and like the eternal Ganges quelling the heat coming from the being of Lord Shiva and tormenting Skand, similarly Sudakshina bore the progeny creating embroyo of Dalip, which included the blessings of 'Lokpals, the keepers in all the ten directions warding-off evil from her.
CHAPTER III
On conceiving ,wife of King Dalip, Sudakshina began to dispense happiness and joyous foreboding of carrying forward the progeny of the Ikshawakus by showing signs of her pregnancy. She began to slim down in her body and a shade of pale came about on her countenance and she shed away excessive garments and jewellery and started nibbling at baked earthen potteries. On seeing this the elated King Dalip enquired of the needs of a pregnant woman and arranged for every thing as required. Gradually the pain of child-bearing began to ease and she started to put-on weight and usual coloration also took place of the breasts. On realization of her pregnancy, out of love for his consort and in accordance of his wealth, King Dalip performed the Vedic-rituals and called upon clever medicine-men for proper growth of the embryo and its feeding and well-being. In the tenth month, Sudakshina was blessed with a son. The king performed donations most graciously and asked family-priest Sage Bashishtha from the meditating forest to perform the baptisation of the new prince and called him Raghu.
Repeating the words of the maids in his own smattering ways, the boy began to grow, slowly and there after became learned by learning useful lessons of many subjects. King Dalip performed the sacred thread ceremony and after his betrothal appointed him the king in waiting. On elation of Raghu, King Dalip became intolerable to his enemies. Later on assigning the Prince-royal Raghu, the duty of the safety of the horses, Dalip performed 99 Rajasuya Yagnas of horses sacrifice successfully. To perform the hundreth Yagna when the King released the sacrificial horse, Lord Indra was alarmed and became impatient with Dalip's glory and unhindered prowess and stole the horse, while vanishing himself. Not finding the horde, Ragha at the head of the Army became speechless. Just then he sighted the Holy Kamdhenu cow Nandini of Sage Bashishtha, whose powers he had already heard-of. Immediately he put her urine to his eyes and could see Lord Indra taking away the stolen horse. On seeing this scene, he challenged Indra, saying O' King of all Devas, you being a protector of Yagnas, if you shall act in this manner, how will people perform Yagnas? Then Indra said O' Prince, you are quite right, but yet your father is wanting to end my glory and predominance by performing the hundredth horse-sacrificial Yagna, because I am the only one who has so far performed a hundred 'Yagnas' or 'Shatritu', and there is no one else, therefore I have seized the horse and taken it into my custody, you go back, or else you will meet the same fate like that of the many sons of King Sagar.
On that note, Raghu said, if that indeed is your decision, please pick-up arms as without vanquishing me, you cannot be allowed to take the horse away. Saying this Raghu struck Indra's chest with an arrow. Indra became furious and struck such an arrow on Raghu's chest that blood began to flow. In this way a great battle ensued between the two. Finally, Raghu cut down the flag-mast of Lord Indra's Chariot, which was taken as a great humiliation by Lord Indra and in order to kill Raghu he shot his invincible armour 'Vajra' on him. But, after being momentarily, Raghu was up again. And so seeing the tenacity and invincibility of Raghu the prince valiant of the Aryan race and said 0’Prince who would be the king; The invincible ‘Vajra’ of my armoury, which can even slash the wings of mighty mountains has not been nullified successfully by anyone till today, save for yourself. I am immensely pleased and happy, to see your bravery and courage. Ask for any boon but for the Horse.
On hearing this Raghu said 0 great Lord of ‘Devas’, if you do not intend giving me the horse, then my revered father the perpetual performer of Yagnas may receive the full glory' and benediction of the intended hundredth horse-sacrificial-Yagna and being a part of Lord Shiva, please arrange to send a message by your messenger of our conversation in any way thought possible by you to my father present in the said Yagna-home situated in an impregnable place. Lord Indra granted this request of Raghu and asked his Chariot driver Matil to trace back the path to Indra’s domain. And Yuvraj Raghu, while being the victor, but devoid of the horse and being unhappy about it started to return to the Yagna-home of King Dalip.
The details of Raghu and Indra' s episode was already conveyed to King Dalip which had gladdened his heart and so he slowly caressed the wound made on Raghu's body made by Lord Indra's Vajra, with his hands numbed by the great happiness in his heart and he welcomed the Prince valiant. Thus King Dalip having created 99 steps to reach heaven by performing 99 horse sacrificial Yagnas, proceeded to the 'Vanprastha' ashram as is the custom of Ikshawaku Kings, after having bestowed the kingdom to his heir and Son.
CHAPTER IV
Maharaj Raghu became evermore enshrined on receiving the Kingdom of Ayodhya from his father King Dilip like the birds receiving the inherent glow of Sun God at the time of the evening, become glorious, too. His subjects and the people of Ayodhya greeted Raghu with joy on his elation to kingship. At that time, the policy making ministers put forward proposals by the right and also of cunning, as per the scriptures and as also deviating from it, but Raghu accepted the righteous path only. And so Raghu ruled virtuously and by his tenacity and willpower overcame the enemies and subdued them.
Seeing Raghu on the throne, Goddess Saraswati served him by making the bards sing and recite poems in his praise. Though-Manu and other kings had enjoyed and well utilized the resources of this Earth, but finding Raghu, the Mother Earth, too, became totally enamoured with him as if she was a lovelorn fair maiden. Like men finding the fruits on the mango trees, do not think of the next season's new crop, similarly happy with the qualities of Raghu, the subjects began to forget king Dilip. The whole kingdom felt the prosperity which became a cause of their perpetual happiness. To have created love and affection amongst his subjects, Raghu came to be known as truly the ruler and the King. On Raghu becoming the new King, it seemed as if everything in the world acquired a new Veneer.
On receiving the king hood, Raghu established peace and tranquility in his kingdom. Autumn's arrival was as if Goddess Laxmi had arrived sitting on the lotus. The Sun in cloudless 'Skies with it’s glow similar to the name and fame of Raghu spreading in all four directions of the earth. Lord Indra kept the bow concerning the rains aside and Raghu picked up his bow towards conquering the world, because both of them were always so willing and ready for solving the problems of their subjects. The end of rainy season and onset of autumn brought about rejoicing all around. Village belles sitting in the shade of Sugar-cane fields for guarding the crops began to utter praise of Raghu, keeper and protector of his subjects. Rise of Agastya brought about cleanliness in the flowing waters. Onset of autumn dried-up muck and slush and pathways and roads became hardened and dried. Massive and arrogant bulls, following in Raghu's footsteps, began to barge- on the river side embnrkments and break them. Thus an end of the rainy season and arrival of autumn provided encouragement to Raghu to proceed on the victory march, and he performed with care the 'Niranjana' - mode of tranquility and safety of the capital, started on an auspicious time for the conquest of the world leading an army combine of six various types of fighting forces like the foot soldiers and the Cavalry and the elephant brigade and such like as was developed those days.
As mighty as Lord Indra himself, Raghu first of all proceeded in the eastern direction. The Chariots and horses produced clouds of dust and elephants like dark clouds joined the sky with the earth. Raghu' s arrogant might in the lead followed by tumultuous sounds made by the elephants and dust-clouds behind them and lastly the army was marching. Raghu converting dry-zones into water-providing areas by his influence, making bridges on rivers, cutting and felling thick dark forests for Sun-light to come to them to proceed on and on. Raghu leading his army towards world-conquest, taking them to the eastern coast of the Sea, looked as if Raja Bhagirath was leading the Holy Ganges coming-out of Lord Shiva's hair-bin to Ganga-Sagar.
After conquering each and every sovereign, Raghu re-appointed them in their Kingdom. Like paddy after being transplanted in the rice-fields produces higher yield, similarly all those kings offered him unstinted support. Thus the passage of Raghu kept on becoming devoid of any impediments.
Conquering the Kings of the east, when Raghu reached the coast of the sea adorned by the alluvial forests, then the King of 'Suhya' region without any fight accepted his sovereignty under 'Vaitasi' mode. Proceeding further on and winning over the kings of Bengal with many Boats at their disposal, he planted his Victory-tower in Sagar Islands. Crossing river Kapisha by the bridge provided by the elephants he preceded to Orissa, where people told him the passage to Kalinga. On reaching there and defeating the King willing to fight, he established his unable to bear might and reknown on Mahendra hillocks. There his soldiers drank from coconut shells like drinking of the prestige of the enemies in coconut leaves and rested for removing tiredness from their war-weary bodies.
Thereafter he proceeded South along the Sea-coast. Crossing river Kaveri and proceeding through the riverine belt of Malayagiri, he defeated the present Pandya region ruler situated on the confluence of Tamra-parni river and the sea. South where the Sun-shine is reduced in intensity, the rulers of that area could not stand the might of Raghu. Pandya king very humbly presented him with a neckless of pearls. Crossing the Sahya mountains and after winning Kerala, there was a spray of nectar of Ketaki flying towards them due to the wind force on river Murla of Kerala and the reverberation of the sound produced by Raghu's army's horses trampling the ground beat the sound made from the hussling of the palm-trees.
From the same ocean, a place was acquired by Lord Parashuram after his humble request, and now with no requests made by Raghu, its kings gave enough wealth the interests of which was enormous. Raghu sanctioned the Trikoot hillock as his Victory tower which had received the damage to it by his elephants.
Thereafter Raghu proceeded to Persia and fought those sacrilegious foreigners whose women's mouths emitted of wine's smell. The clouds of dust covered the battle-field so that it was only the tumultuous whack of whack of the mighty bow that one could perceive the presence of the warriors. Raghu slashed on and on with his spear head on the bearded heads of Persian kings. Till the time the battle ground was fully covered by their bearded heads and looked like the earth was covered with myriads of behives fallen on the ground. Those who escaped annihilation surrendered to Raghu with their head-gear like long caps on his feet.
Eventually winning-over the Huns, he turned towards north and with a victory on Combodia, he fought fiercely with the kings on the Himalayas mountains Raja Raghu had a fierce-battle with the tribe of 'Utsav-Sanket', in which the arrows, missile and stones colliding with each other produced sparks and fire. After achieving victory over them. Raghu made the Gandharva's sing in praise of his might and victory. The defeated 'Ustsava-Sankets' offered to Raghu such large amounts of gorgeous presents that Raghu found-out about the enormous wealth of the Himalayas and people of Himalaya came to learn of the might at the disposal of Raghu.
Then on after establishing his glorious name forever on the Himalayas, he did not venture on the holy Kailash because of the lurking doubts of the same having been lifted by Ravan only. Thereafter on crossing river 'Lohitya' Raghu created shudders in the heart of Kamrupeshwar because he could not endure even the dust storm produced by Raghu's army, then how could he bear the vanguard of his army. The king of Kamrup presented to Raghu, who was mightier than Lord Indra, all his elephants with the help of whom he won many battles. That ruler of Kamrup region, presented Raghu with immense valuable stones to honour him.
Thus conquering all four corners of earth trampling the heads of the massacred kings turning dusty with the dust-storm his four-fronged invincible army, Raghu returned back to Ayodhya, his Capital, well and happily after conquering the world.
With passage of sometime, Raja Raghu ordered to arrange for that 'Vishvajit' 'Yagna' in which all your wealth is given away in donations to the Yagna-performing Brahmins and to the sages presiding on the ceremony and to the common folk come to receive the same. Right it is like the clouds acquire water from the oceans and by raining them down for the benevolence of the people, empty themselves, likewise benevolent gentle creed of men collect wealth towards benevolence of mankind. At the end of the ‘Yagna', on the consent of Ministers, Raghu bid fare-well to those kings for their places, where their queens and consorts were eagerly awaiting them as it had been long since they had gone. On having received consent for leaving for their Capitals they bent down to place their crowned heads on the feet of Raghu, in their fare-well salutations, and the nectar from the crushed garlands of flowers worn by those kings made Raghu's feet and its' toes red in colour.
CHAPTER V
When the King had given away all his wealth in Yagna's donation, then sage 'Vartanee's disciple Sage 'Kautsa' after having learnt all the knowledge came to Raghu for receiving money to pay the fees of his teacher. Skillful in welcoming guests and being devoid of golden-utensils, Raja Raghu appeared taking the welcoming objects in earthen pots, he worshipped 'Kautsa' as per the scriptures and stood before him with folded hands and asked O'sage, your teacher, as glowing as the Sun God, is well, I hope? And his meditation is continuing unhindered? Tendered like a son the shady trees of the forest of his meditation are not impeded by gusty winds and jungle-fire? The rivers etc. with whose water you bathe with, worship and make religious offerings are not having any kind of problem? Cows and buffalos etc. of the villages are not eating away you paddy and other crops? I am not satiated with merely looking at your holy self, because I am keenly awaiting to carry out your command, which will make me immensely happy. Is it with the consent of the sage teacher that you have obliged me so much by coming here, or is on your own accord that you have arrived here from the Ashram?
On seeing the Puja-paraphernalia in earthen pots, Kautsa was already disenchanted in his heart, O'King all is well in the Ashram, how could there be any discord so long you are the king? Can there be darkness, when the sun is shining? Devotion to the reverential is customary among the Ikshawakus, but I am a bit late in arriving here, that is the cause of my sorrow. Like on plucking the fruit of Niwar tree only twinges are left behind, likewise after giving away all your wealth to the alms-seekers you have attained a glow, having spent all the wealth of your treasury in donating to all and sundry you are shining like a week quarter moon in the sky after the Gods and ancestors having tasted the nectar through your benevolence. Do not worry yourself O' great King, I shall try with other worthies for obtaining wealth for offering, to my teacher as his tuition-fee. The King asked, ready and in a hurry to depart from there, sage Kautsa, O' good Brahmin; What do you want to offer and how much as your tuition-fee? On hearing this the sage told the humble and pious king, that on completion of my education I begged the teacher for accepting a tuition-fee, but he was not willing to ask for any tuition-fee, considering my devotion and dedication to his self as the fee itself. But on my persistence he was annoyed and spoke of bringing 14 millions of gold coins, for teaching me 14 different traits of education. But realizing your condition on seeing the earthen pots with which you appeared before me to welcome me, I shall not trouble you any longer. When the King heard this, he said to him, Sire Please rest in my Yagna-house, for a few days and I shall try to fulfill your requirement in the meanwhile. Much disrepute shall befall me, should you leave here like this (empty handed).
With the blessings of sage Bashishtha, Raghu's chariot could reach anywhere and he wished to win over Kuber to bring the required wealth, for which had his chariot prepared for which he had his chariot prepaired for the morning, before retiring to sleep. Early morning the treasury officials brought the news to the King of bountyful gold found in the treasury as if gold had rained there, and the king wanted to give it all away to 'Kauta, but he was not willing to accept any more than what was needed for his tution-fee. People of Ayodhya were speechless and overwhelmed, seeing the scene of the King wanted to give away all the wealth and the sage not wanting to accept more than his requirement and uttered words of praise to both, Dhanya; Dhanya;(glory to thee,Glory to thee)
A delighted Kautsa told the King O' keeper of the faith, there should be no element of surprise if the mother earth offers all the wealth and good crops to the King, when you are capable of snatching the required wealth even from the Heavens above. There is nothing lacking in your Kingdom but you are devoid of a progeny. So, you may beget a worthy son, so I blessed thee. Kautsa returned to the Ashram after blessing the king and the king had the tution-fee transported to the Ashram by camels and horses.
Afterwards Raghu was blessed with a son, and he named him Aj. Like Raghu Aj too was handsome with a beautiful physic and very attractive demeanour. Receiving education from worthy teachers Aj was ready to be crowned the prince-royal or Yuvraj, the king in waiting. King Bhoj of Vidarbha sent an invitation to Raghu for sending prince Aj to participate in the 'Swayambara', the great assembly of all the eligible bachelor princes from amongst whom the bride to be would choose her suitor, for his sister Indumati to be wedded on the occasion. King Raghu considering Aj to be of marriageable age and seeing the suitability of relationship with Raja Bhoj, sent Aj accompanied with an Army, to Vidarbha. On the way on the banks of Narmada the army led by Aj set camp. Suddenly a rogue elephant came out of the river Narmada, splashing away its water. The army elephants panicked on the odour of the rogue elephant, horses went helter and skelter and the Chariots fell apart and broke-down and soldiers ran to save women-folk.and in this way the rouge elephant disturbed everyone immensely.
Then Aj, shot with an arrow on the rogue elephants head. On receiving the arrow the elephant turned into a glowing-personna and showering Aj with the Heaven situated 'Nandan-forest' flowers, he spoke, O' great prince, I am Priyavand son of Priyadarshan the King of Gandharvas and I was converted into an elephant by the curse of Sage Matanga. The great Rishies temperament is also as cool as water, on my begging to him for pardon, he said that on receiving a hurt from the arrow of prince Aj my curse shall cease to be. You have set me free from that curse and if I do not favour you then my eternal wealth is of no use. O' my good friend I give you the armament called 'Sammohan' by the use of which the enemy faints and victory is achieved without violence. Please accept my gift. Accordingly Aj bathed and cleansed himself in Narmada water and learnt the way of using the 'Sammohan' armament (missile) from the Gandharva prince. Like this after receiving an out of the world armament by God's grace, Aj proceeded to Vidarbh and the Gandharva because homeward bound. As nearing the town of Vidarbha the king of Vidarbha came to receive Aj with pomp and show and bringing him to the town made him comfortable and easy and welcomed him with pageantry.
Aj was made to stay in a newly-built palace which was marked for him by the officials of Raja Bhoj. Thinking of many worries about Indumati Aj could sleep only late in the night. At the end of the night, in the wee hours of the morning the bards began to praise Aj with sweet voices. Honoured guest the night is over the glow of Moon is diminished. Your eyes will be properly compared to a lotus if both of them open up together and at the same time. So please arise, the early morning breeze is repeatedly seeking the scent of your mouth and going hither and thither. Delicate dew drops collected on red leaves are well compared to the triffle-smile on your lips. Your elephants have got up from sleep, in the early rays of the Sun there tuskers are looking colourful. Your Arab Stallions tied-up inside the tents are feeling the taste of rock salt. Just look at the night flower garlands looking stale, the glow of the lamp has diminishes and your parrot is also copying us to awaken you. Therefore please arise and shine.
Thus on the blissful utterance of the bards the woken-up prince Aj got up from the massive-bed just like the massive Supratik rises from the sands on the banks of the Ganges in the South-East direction on hearing the melodies sounding Swans making a tumult of happy chorus. On leaving the bed Aj freshened himself and said his prayers and with an adept escort of the ceremony of the 'Swayambara', dressed himself suitably and ostentatiously for the occasion to join the gathering of the kings already Assembled in the 'Swayambara’ place.
CHAPTER - VI
In the sixth chapter there is a engrossing detail of the Swayambara of princess Indumati. Son of King Raghu, Yuvaraj Aj perused on the well-dressed kings seated on decorated high chairs looking like their thrones on raised platforms depicting the Gods of Heaven splendorous in their flying chariots. Aj ascended as gracefully on decorated stairs as tiger climbs step by step on hilly rocks to reach the summit of the hillock, to reach a suitable platform as indicated by Raja Bhoj. The Kings assembled there became despondent about marrying Indumati the moment they set their eyes on prince Aj who looked so handsome and becoming for the Occasion, as if God of attraction and sexuality Kamdev had come there himself. Attired in resplendent robes and clothes seated on bejewelled throne Aj looked like Lord Kartikeya seated on many splendoured back of the peacock which is his carrier.
Like the big bees get attracted to the scent-oozing tuskers in the jungle, ignoring the blooming trees, likewise all the public spectators gathered for the occasion looked away from all other kings to set their eyes fixed on Aj. And thereafter the knowledgeable bards began to recite the glory of Kings of the Solar dynasty and those of the Moon's dynasty. Scented deodorants were slowly producing cleansing smoke in the atmosphere and auspicious music began to play. In the mean time younger sister of Raja Bhoj Indumati escorted by her maid-in-waiting Sunanda who was also her confidant and a friend arrived in a palanquin on the Swayambara place from the passage in between the platforms raised for placing various king's chairs. Looking at the incomparable beauteous creation of God that Indumati was, all the kings of the gathering began to show-off each in a different manner in order to be able to justify the emotions of their hearts. The poet has excelled in describing the romantic expressions of various kings in seven stanzas, in gist the kings and princes found favoring them, and on the contrary Indumati considered them all to be villainous. A high-falutin description has been presented most lucidly. First of all there is a description of the King of Magadh.
Fully acquainted with the genealogy of Kings and their characters, out-spoken like men-folk the door-attendant of the Queen’s enclosures in the palace, Sunanda presenting Indumati before the king of Magadh, Parantap, she spoke to the princess’ O' princess, there being many kings in the world, yet the mother earth is sanctified and splendoured only by this king. He calls upon Lord Indra to preside during his performance of many Yagnas so incessantly that the consort of Lord Indra has turned into a perpetual love-lorn lady. Should you decide to betroth him you cause many ladies installed in various palaces of Pusgpapur, to rejoice by your addition. Parantap did not appeal to Indumati and she signalled Sunanda to proceed further. Then Sunanda pointing out the king of Anga region said he enjoys heavenly happiness and joys while living in this mundane world. Goddess Laxmi and Goddess Saraswati both reside together in his palace. So most beauteous and soft-spoken you become the third one. But not finding Indumati interested Sunanda took her to the king of Ujjain and said, this mighty king stays near to Mahakaleshwar Mahadeo, therefore, he enjoys moon-light even during the dark fortnight of Hindu Calendar. If you wish to move at leisure in the Mangroves and gardens shivering and shaken by winds blowing from river Chhipra still he did not appeal to princess Indumati.
Next Sunanda reached the king of Anup region, and started saying, he is born in the dynasty of Sahastra arjun and is very meritorious. His capital Mahishmati wears the river Narmada like a Cummerbund and if you wish to partake in enjoying the. sight from the palace, then you should accept to become his household Laxmi by his side. Although very pleasing to look at, yet he did not appeal to Indumati. Then Sunanda by going near Sushen, king of Mathura gave his introduction to Indumati that he is born in the Neep dynasty and his fame is to be found in other's domain. The women in his queen's palace when bathing with sandal-wood scented waters their breasts become comparable to the waves in rivers Ganga and Jamuna. So if you want to move about in Vrindavan like gardens, then you can marry him and in the rainy season enter the caves of mountain Goverdhan and sitting there on scented Shilajit rocks watch the dancing peacocks. Leaving him aside Indumati proceeds further and Sunanda after a description of King of Kalinga, Hemangad, she says in the description of the king of Nagpur that this king of Nagpur that this king of Pandu - province is like one of Lord Indra's ‘devas'. Sage Augastya enquires of uninterrupted performance of his Yagna and Avlor with bathing. Afraid of his might even Ravana, the great Asura, maintains friendship with him. He is dark like blue lotus and you are fair as milky white, therefore you could unite like thunder clouds and lightening. He also did not appeal to Indumati. Like in the night as the lights go out of the house and proceed further leaving such houses look forsaken similarly those kings whom Indumati left behind became forelorn and sad.
And finally when Indumati reached where Aj was seated, his left arm began to twitch, which made him believe that she shall marry me only. And on the other side, Indumati on finding the most beautiful and devoid of any flaw Aj, stopped from proceeding any further like the bees do not leave the mango trees full of flowers in the spring time to go to other trees. Sunanda describing Aj began to say, that he is the son of Raja Raghu, whose father Raja Dilip was born in the Ikshawaku dynasty, and who collected wealth from all the four corners of the earth only to give it all away in donations and alms during the Yagna to celebrate the conquest of the world. Only earthen pots remained with him. This prince is a son of Raghu, like Jayant is of Lord Indra, so by the birth, by the grandeur of personality, through young of age, through modesty and other virtues in full measure he is the best match for you. Therefore O' princess, do choose him as your husband. Like a precious stone becomes further adornable with gold, similarly yours and Aj's binding together will be most appreciable. Then princess Indumati very gladly accepted Aj. Out of shyness and natural modesty she could not speak anything but the good omen come out of romantic emotions began to ooze-out and Showed in her persona. Watching Indumati’s infatuation with Aj, Sunanda egged-on jocularly, come now let us go to the next king. On hearing this Indumati looked at Sunanda with annoyance from the corner of her eyes, because going any where else was not Indumati's heart's desire.
By and by, princess Indumati had Sunanda garland Aj son of Raghu with Swayamber-garland woven on plain chord becoming red with the colour of 'kumkum' or 'rori’ & Similarly soft natured and patient and of beauteous nature Aj and Indumati's joining together in eternal bond made the citizens of the Capital of Vidarbha pleased and joyous and they began to say Indumati has combined with Aj, today like pure moon-light meets the sea. In that Swayambar - tent house on one side there were those of the grooms side whose joys knew no bounds and on the other side a group of the kings who were unable to obtain the princess Indumati. At that moment that tent-house was looking like that lake-in which in the morning, at one side there was a lotus in full bloom and on the other a bevy of unblossmed flower of “Kumud”.
Chapter - VII
In the Swayamber place, Aj being betrothed by Indumati by she having garlanded him duly, Raja Bhoj took equally suitable groom Aj escorting his sister Indumati with him to his capital city and crest-fallen other kings having lost all aspirations to win-over Indumati, departed for their Camps while blaming their own looks and cursing their attires.
Beautifully decorated with flowers, garlands, flags trappings etc., the Royal boulevard was mobbed by hordes of women in various modes - some women having forgotten to wind up their long hairs with garlands and holding the bonquet in their hands rushed to their windows, another woman who was having her feet decorated with (Mahavar) by the servant girl, quickly leaving her aside ran to the sight-screen with wet Mahavar leaving impressions of her feet on the floor, the third one applying black soot die in her eyes, applied it one eye only and forgot to apply in the other eye, holding the die applying stick in her hands, the fourth one without arranging the apparel holding knot on her Sari, kept on standing by at the window holding the Sari folds by her hands, the fifth one was arranging on a thread the pearls for the cummerbund and was half-way through, when in a hurry to look at Aj, ran so that all the pearls were thrown askew and only the thread remained tied to her big toe as when she had started to arrange the pearls with the thread.
Those women of the town with their silhoutte in the peep-holes, windows and sight-screens looked like agitated bees representing the moving eyes, hovering on the lotuses like their bodies. After looking-over Aj with close scrutiny, they displayed joy and happiness and began to say in many ways that thank God for the Swayambar being organised or else, how Indumati could have obtained an equally deserving husband. If the Gods in heavens had not solemnised their pairing, their beauty's incarnations would have been wasted. They must have been Rati and Kamdeva in their earlier incarnation, or else how come Indumati had to choose only Aj out of thousands of Kings & princes. Thus listening to women's description through their ride in the town, Aj ascended from the elephant holding the arms of King, of Kamrup, on reaching the house of Raja Bhoj and went inside the Court-yard.
Inside the Court-yard Raja Bhoj went about carrying forward with the procedures prescribed in the Vedas giving away the clothing’s woven out of beehives left-overs. The family priest after Yagna and offerings to all the Gods and deities in the fire-pit, made fire the witness and solemnised the marriage of Aj and Indumati. Here, there is a splendid narration of the marriage procedures in a natural way and of social customs upon customs of every kind prevalent in those days. Thus after the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies, Raja Bhoj bid fare-well to all other kings, in a fitting manner after honouring them duly.
These jealous kings with a mind to abduct Indumati from Aj, set camps after going some distance from the king's palace. On the other end Raja Bhoj bid fare-well to his, sister having given her enough dowry as per his limitations but full of loving for her. After staying with them for three nights on their way to Ayodhya, Raja Bhoj turned back to go to his Capital. And after that those Kings putting impediment to Aj taking away Indumati prepared to battle with Aj. Aj appointing trusted minister for the welfare of Indumati, jumped in the battle-field. Soldiers of both sides fought fiercely and eventually Aj utilized the sleep producing armament presented to him by Priyambad Gandharva, the armament of Gandharva's might and cunning of Super human proportions by the influence of which all the kings and their fighting men lost their consciousness and fell asleep. Aj blew on his Victory Conch, and hearing the reverberation of his conch, all his soldiers returned around him. Thus having obtained the Victory Queen, Aj returned to anxious Indumati, Look my darling; at these kings, they wanted to battle with me on this much might only for taking you away from me. At -this moment they are so helpless that small kids can grab their armaments from them.
Indumati's heart's happiness knew no bounds in her husband’s bravery and Victory, but because of her modesty and shyness, she could not express her feelings personally but he greeted profusely through her attendant maid. Thus having bested those formerly opposing kings. Aj returned to Ayodha in the company of indumati the replica like victory-queen. Raja Raghu was already aware of all the goings-on, therefore welcoming his praise-worthy and victorious son in the company of admirable daughter-in-law he bestowed upon him the onus of bringing-up the family and the reign of the kingdom and retired himself to a peaceful Ashram. Quite correctly the kings of the sun-dynasty, on the advent of the son’s maturity to take-over the burden of the household retire themselves from family life to meditation.
“Plebeians who would be kings”
myth of Ikshawakus
and history of Raghuvanshies
From seven millennium B.C.
In Ashtha Chakra Ayodhya
To
28th June 1952 in Kaithi (katehar)
with translated narration of
Kalidas in “Raghuvansh Mahakavya”
From Raghu to Agnivarna
BOOK-IV
CHAPTER – VIII
Even through Aj had not yet shed-off the auspicious threads and signs of his betrothal and wedding, Raja Raghu handed-over the entire earth to him and Aj on his part accepted the same as a fatherly-command. When Aj was duly crowned, Sage Bashishtha sprinkled holy water on him, which pleased every one immensely. On ascending to the thrown Aj acquired such mighty grandeur that all his enemies shivered talking about him. Because eternal-glow added to Kshatriya’s-glory makes a king so high and mighty like the fire becoming fierce by blowing of the wind. The subjects and the people finding Aj as their king thought as though Raghu has become young again, because Aj had not inherited only his father’s kingdom but all the qualities and greatness of Raghu entered his persona.
Aj began to rule the newly found kingdom of the earth with great benevolence. He loved his subject most dearly. He was neither a martinet nor a week person. He suppressed his adversaries like things pressed down by the gusty winds. When Raghu observed that his son was greatly admired by the people he built a small cottage on the outskirts of the town and finally handing-over the reigns of the kingdom to his virtuous son Aj, retired there in the company of his wife. At that time the sun-dynasty was like the moon was hiding in one corner of the sky and the sun was rising in another corner of the eternity. In one place Raja Aj was occupying the throne to look-after the welfare of the people then there was Raghu squatting on the Kusha-mat like an ascetic trying to practice controlling of the psyche. Aj conquered over the kings by the might of his over powering personality and Raghu with the fire of knowledge and strength of Yogies, and performed the last rites on grand scale. And being reasoned our of sorrow by learned wisemen he achieved a clam and patient mental state and began to rule by the statutes and scriptures.
After sometime, Indumati gave birth to a brave son. This son of Aj was radiant like Sun God, whose glory went far and wide in all ten directions, whom the learned wise-men called ‘Dashrath’, man owning ‘ten chariots’. Having studied the Veda and absolving himself from the debt of sages, having performed the Yagnas getting rid of the debt of heavenly bodies or the ‘Devas’ and having fathered a son, thereby devoid of the debt of his father Aj was shining as radiantly as the sun-god. One day, Aj was whiling away time in the eternal garden the Nadan-van, with queen Indumati when sage Narad with his guitar was passing by the milky-way having a garland of heavenly flowers handing on the way, having a garland of heavenly flowers handing on the top of the of the guitar, to recite songs to Lord Shiva, when by a sudden gust of wind that garland slipped from its’ place all of a sudden and landed between the breasts of Indumati. The moment Indumati looked at it she shut her eyes in horror and dropped dead on the ground. After she ceased to be alive, her whole body turned pale. Loosing his composure his throat was choked and holding her like a guitar in his embrace the King began to wail in misery of mournful cry and began to say that when even flowers can kill by touching a person then the Gods can kill anyone with anything. If this garland has the potential of a killer then I too shall place it on my own chest. With the God’s grace sometimes the poison is turned into heavenly nectar and somewhere the nectar becomes poison o’ my darling lady, I committed many a times the crime of insulting you but on your part, you never did rebuke me. But in the heart of hearts I never bode ill of you, then why are you leaving me? Look the moon again finds the night, the male love bird chakwa meets the female chakvi in the morning’s vee-hours, but you have departed forever what shall I do, now? The benediction of your feet is being recalled by the Ashoka tree and they are showering the tears of flowers and so also your attendants and friends who were always with you in good times and bad-times. And your son with the happy countenance like that of the moon is wailing unstoppably and your eternal lover, I am forever so sad. Today I have lost my sublime patience, the happiness is no more, now you only tell me that by taking you away, what is it the God has not taken away from me?
When the king of Koshala was mourning thus for his beloved, at that time looking at him the flora looking like shedding their own tears by oozing juice from their branches. The royal house-hold removing away Indumati from the bossoms of Aj and after decorating her with flowers and garlands, the moment they took her on the Sandle-wood funeral pyre to start the last rites of her Aj become restless and excited from the loss of his mate and consort. Having concluded the ten days routine of The last rites as per the scriptures when he re-entered the town the entire citizenry began to wail inconsolably.
Those days Sage Baslishtha was occupied with yagna on his own Ashram. Sensing the tragedy through the powers of yoga, he sent a disciple for consoling the king in his grief, with a message. Once upon a time a sage named ‘Trinvinda’ was carrying out the eternal meditation. Fearful of his eternal meditation. Lord Indra sent the Apsara Hirani one of the eternal beauties of his Court to disturb and upset him to curtail his meditation. Like the strong waves of the Ganges erode and break the banks of the river, similarly that Apsara happened to have arrived there. Just looking at her the sage cursed her to damnation of being born as a human beings wife and mate, in the human’s world. Immediatesly on hearing the curse she spoke to the sage with folded hands, begging him to listen to her, O’ Holy one, I have committed this crime by the orders of the others. I am not at fault please forgive me. On hearing her pleadings, the sage said that until you have seen the eternal flower, you shall have to reside on the surface of the earth. Same Apsara taking birth in the Vidarbha dynasty had become your queen. Now having seen the eternal flower she was dispensed with the curse and has returned to her heavenly abode. Therefore do not grieve on her demise. Now stop mourning and look-after the welfare of the earth. The earth in fact is the true consort of the kings. Even on your demise, you will not be able to meet her, because after death everyone as per one’s deeds and ‘karma’ goes different ways & paths. The scriptures says that when the members of the house- hold cry and mourn too much then the Holy spirit is much troubled. When body and consciousness or ‘Atma’ go, their different way then what of the sons and wives you are primate amongst those having conquered upon the urges of the human senses, therefore you shall not grieve. In this way the king somehow spent next eight years and having given the sermon of the best ways as per the scripture of looking after the subjects to his well educated prince Dashrath, spending his time in devotional songs gave up his life on the confluence of Ganga and Saryu and departed for Heaven’s Nandan forest.
CHAPTER-IX
Having won control over his senses a peer among the practitioner of good governance of his kingdom, handled the kingdom of ‘Uttar Koshala’, (north Koshala) with much ability and distinction. He was as strong as Lord Kartikeya and as serene the ocean. The learned wise men used to say that there are only two person who rewarded fully those who performed their duties earnestly, one being Manu’s descendant King Dashrath and another being the overlord of the Deavas, Lord Indra. Dashrath was as mighty and glorified as the Devas themselves and as serene and composed as the ocean. He considered everyone alike. He rained wealth, like Lord Kuber, amongst his subjects. He never lied even in humour. He weilded his mighty Bows and arrows and mounted alone on this chariot to roam about on the earth spread about until the sea limits to govern his empire. Resounding like the thunder of the clouds, the oceans, the oceans hailed his glory.
Like Lord Indra cut-down the wings of the earlier flying mountains by his eternal armament the ‘Vajra’ Similarly Dashrath annihilated his enemies by his arrows. His Ayodhya the Ashtrachakra was no less than Lord kuber’s Alkapuri, his capital. There was no sluggishness in him, though being a ‘Chakravarty’ or all conquering king. Like the rivers emnating from the hills eventually get hold of the sea,, similarly form Koshal (South )’ Magadh and Caucasus of Kaikoys, the daughters of the respective kings Kaushilya, Sumitra and Kaikeyi had found King Dashrath as their husband. Dashrath with his three queens looked like as if Lord Indra himself along with his three eternal forces, Influence, enthusiasm, Inspiration and the Mantras has been incarnated to rule the world.
Dashrath had helped Lord Indra and had destroyed his enemies with his slings and arrows to drive away the fear element from amongst the women- folk of the ‘Devas’. He had performed big ‘Yagnas’.Going to the battle field mounting his chariot alone, leading even the fighting Lord Indra suppressed the dust cloud on the ASun God by the incessant stream of blood slain by him. By his clever governance, king Dashrath had accumulated much wealth, with which he benignly helped his subjects. As mighty as Lord Vishnu, as happy as the spring time and as handsome as ‘Kamadeva’ king Dashrath exhilarated and enjoyed that glorious spring- time, and yet he felt like going for hunting. And he set about on a hunting tour with the advise of his ministers. Hunting the deers, wilboars, bisons, antelopes, tigers, wild elephants, cheetals etc., one day while persuing a black-buck he got separated from the hunting group riding his horse away on the banks of river Tamasa, where the meditating holymen had made their abode in Ashrams, where someone was dipping his earthen water container in the river water. The king took it to be an elephant and aiming therein in that direction shot an arrow on the guidance of the sound made thereby. Suddenly someone yelled o’ my father ! Hearing this the king got duly alarmed. On nearing the scene of occurrence, there he saw a young sage bending on the water container with his arrow through his body. When the king asked for his identity, he told him that his father is vaishya and mother shudra, please take me to my blind parents. Then the king took the youngster and told them he had shot an arrow at him by mistake. On hearing this they began to cry and then asked him to withdraw the arrow from his chest. Immediately on withdrawing the arrow his life line was extinguished . And on this they put a curse on him that he too shall end his life in the sorrow of the absentee son/sons in his old age. The king said that I consider your curse to be a boon and a blessing in disguise because on this pretext I shall be blessed with a son after all these years. And the king spoke again that I am worthy to be killed by you, what are your orders for me? On hearing this the old sage said “Myself and my sife will give- up our lives with our son, therefore please arrange for the funeral pyre and the fire. The king arranged for the wood and the fire, at once. They found their way to the Heaven above by giving-up their lives together and the king over- whelmed by his black-deed returned to his home carrying on him the curse for the old age.
CHAPTER-X
As mighty and glorious as Lord Indra some ten thousand years had gone by since King Dishrath started to rule. But he had no children. Then in the supervision and primacy of sage shringi the holy-men started a son be-getting yagna. At the same time when the Devas deeply troubled by the serious antics of Ravana, when approached Lord Vishnu in ‘kshirsagar’, Vishnu got-up from the sleep induced by yoga. On the bed created by the eternal snake ’sheshnag’ ‘cusping and curling together his embodiment in order to create a resting place and a bed for Lord Vishnu , Goddess Laxmi was gently stroking the feet of the Lord taking it in her lap, while she was relaxed in the sitting position. Attired in golden dress the precious stone ‘kaustubh’ was shinning on his chest, srivatsa was being depicted on the eye- brows. Vishnu’s carrier Sri Garuda stood humbly with folded hands. All the Deavas wished salutation to Lord Vishnu and sang in his praise saying that like the precious- stones in the oceans, the sun-rays cannot be counted and the dust specks on the earth cannot be counted, similarly your benevolent characteristics by singing praise cannot be narrated. Delighted Lord Vishnu enquired of their well- being and reason of their arrival there. The Devas replied that these days demons have created great disorder all over. On hearing this he said, o’ pious Devas! Like the people in the world are overcome by Truth, Satya, Lively or Raj and vile or Tam, similarly your glory and might has been subdued by Ravana, therefore to destroy Ravans, it is mine and that of Lord Indras’s duty. One doesn’t have to tell the wind to help the fire raging, it does it without being asked. To pacify and placate Lord shiva he has severed his head from his body and made an offering of the same, nine times over on the feet of his, it is possible he has the tenth one left for my ‘chakra- sudarshana’ to severe it. The blessing of Lord Brahma has compelled me to tolerate his offerings like the sandle- tree tolerates the snakes climbing on it. When Lord Brahma was pleased by his meditation, then he asked for the boon of not being slain by any of the ‘Devas’. Therefore I shall be born in the household of king Dashrath to severe his heads with my slings of arrows and present to the earth. Now all of you proceed in the skies and go about your business without any fear or obstacle of Ravana’s ‘pushpak’, to your air- chariots. Like the clouds rain on dried-up fields of agriculture and go away, similarly satiating the Devas Lord Vishnu made himself vanish.
There in Ayodhya, the moment the son- begetting yagna of King Dashrath concluded, there appeared a person from the yagns’s fire- pit holding a golden- bowl of payasam a sweet preparation of milk and rice, in his hands. Like Lord Indra had taken hold of the nector-pot in his hands, when the ocean produced fourteen eternally valuable objects from its churning similarly King Dashrath took away the payasam – bowl from the hands of that eternal persona. Having received vishnu’s ‘kschir’ in the form of ‘ payasam ‘ king Dashrath distributed it half and half between Kaushilya and Kaikeyi. Again both of them, gave the half of their share to their darling co-wife ‘Sumitra’ As a result the three queens, conceived a part of Vishnu in their womb, for the purpose of correcting the wold-disorder.Although there is only one perception of Lord Vishnu, but like clear waters reflects many images of the moon, similarly they were present in wombs of the all the three queeen separately on their own accord. In the womb of lady Kaushilya, Sri Ram, in the womb of Kaikeyi, Sri Bharat, and from the womb of Sumitra, the twins of Sri Laxman and Sri Shatrughan were born. There was great rejoicing and fan-fare in the city of the Ayodhya an in Lanka, the precious stones fixed in Ravan’s crowns, fell off on the ground as if they were the tears of sorrow of the of the prosperity of the demons. On completing their baptism, the princes began to grow- up, and likened to wealth, prosperity, sexuality and salvation and began to be taught all spheres of education as celebates in the house- hold of sage Bashishtha.
CHAPTER-XI
One day sage Vishwamitra came to King Dashrath and said that for the security of my yagna, please send Ram with me. Though he had got Ram and Laxman after a great lot of penance in his old age, but propelled by the aura of the sage he sent away Ram- Laxman with him. Obeying the order of their father both the princes took their bows and arrows and followed Vishwamitra the sage. The king did not order for an army escort for their help, the benediction and blessings of the sage was sufficient. Till date neither of the two youngsters had set their foot outside their homes, therefore sage Vishwamitra taught them the art of survival in such a journey on foot by the effect of which they did not tire nor did they feel hungry or thirsty. Lakes adorned with lotuses around the Ashram and in the cool shadow of the trees the inmates were not so content as they become ever so happy on seeing the two princes.
on their way they came across demon Suketu’s offspring ‘Tadaka’ who had made the entire Ashram as deserted and forelorn. Whose devastations and antics was already related by sage Vishwamitra. On seeing her both the brothers positioned their Bows upright on the ground and drew up the slings On hearing the vibrations of it the big black and ugly Tadka as dark as a moonless night came and confronted them standing in front of them, and charged on Ram with a great uproarious sound. On seeing that Ram shed both the apathy towards female- slaying and the arrow from his Bow. The arrow sent by Ram pierced the breast to Tadka breaking it apart and she collapsed on the ground. At the same time Ravan’s capital lady luck and good fortune shivered. Pleased with the slaying of Tadka SriVishwamitra taught the demon- slaying eternal armament’s use with secret code (Mantras) and the weapon itself to Ram. Atter reaching the sags’s Ashram he slew many big demons. Ram had become such an expert in the use of the eternal armament that he would immediately draw the sling of his bow with ‘vayavya’ armament and threw Tadka’s son Marich away with that and killed demon subahu. Seeing the incredible might of Ram the sages praised him no end and sage Vishwamitra concluded his yagna as per the norms in the scriptures and blessed Ram and Laxman with sincere benediction and expressed his great affection by placing his palms on their heads.
Those very days, the king of mithila King Janak had organized a Bow- yagna, in a which he had invited the various sages, Hearing of a thing called ‘Bow-yagna’, Ram-Laxman expressed surprise and curiosity, therefore sage Vishwamitra tagged along both the princes as he started for the city of Mithila. After sometime, the evening fell and they stayed under the trees of that Ashram where Ahilya the wife of sage Gautam had turned into stone by the curse of sage Gautam. By the touch of Ram’s foot- dust, she turned into a beautiful woman. On hearing of the arrival of the sage, King Janak welcomed him along with the princes. The people of Janakpur on seeing the princes became over-joyed and filled with happiness. Vishwamitraji said o’ king these princes want to look at the great ‘Bow’. At this point Janakji was filled with gloom about his vow and started to repent the same. He thought that when such prince’s were there why on earth did I bring forward the obstacle of ‘Bow-yagna ‘. When in trying to lift this ’Bow’ many great kings returned with a loss of face, then how these kids can lift it up? Hearing these thoughts of Janakji the sage spoke, I know their prowess and why there is any need or speaking about it? Like the’Vajra ‘ is tested on that Bow. A small ‘Mantra ‘ or a speck of fire has a large potential hidden inside it. After- wards Ram, while others watched, lifting the Bow of Lord Shiva, stretched the chord so fiercely to the maximum that there came about a huge reverberation of sound. After that Sitaji put the garland in the Ram’s neck. By and by king Janak sent a message to King Dashrath to bring the wedding procession to complete the formalities of the marriage of Ram and Sita. Accordingly Dashrath arrived in Janakpuri with great enthusiasm. Both glorious kings together had the marriage of all the four brothers solemnized as per the scriptures, on their way back the procession met Lord Parashuram who handed- over his weapon the ‘parashu’ to Ram and proceeded for meditation. King Dashrath reached Ayodhya with sons and daughter- in-laws for whose sight the women- folk were very eager.
CHAPTER-XII
King Dashrath had enjoyed all the the pleasures of the world and was getting old. He decided to crown his eldest son Ram, the news of which crossed all bounds of the happiness of the populace of Ayodhya. But heartless Kaikeyi played such a game that Ram had to proceed to a life in wilderness. In the war between Devas and Asuras for having saved his life, she had kept in store two number of wishes of her’s to be granted by king Dashrath. Kaikeyi asked one wish to be granted was14 years of life in wilderness for Ram and other for granting kingship of Ayodhya for her son. Hearing this people‘s surprise was beyond mention. The expression on the countenance of Sri Ram was unchanged as it was at the time of his crowning, so was it while proceeding for life in the wilderness. To sanctify to words spoken by his father, he left for ‘ Dandak-van ‘ ‘s forest in the company of Sita and Laxman on the other end, King Dashrath breathed his last unable to reconcile the separation from Ram. Some ministers sent messengers to summon Bharatji from his maternal home. When Bharatji came to learn of his father’s demise and Ram leaving for life in wilderness, then he was so irritated and annoyed not only with his mother, but also from the Ayodhya’s grandeur and prosperity and set about with an army to look for Ram.
The inmates of the Ashram when pointed those trees under which Ram had stayed before proceeding further, then he was overcome with emotions and his eyes were filled with tears, which rolled by. Those days Ram was living in the forest of ‘Chitrakoot’.Going there Bharatji gave him the news of father’s passing aways and asked him to come to Ayodhya to take- over the rein of Ayodhya, but Ram did not deviate one bit from the resolve of his father. Eventually on the request of Bharat he handed-over his wooden foot-wear to him. Taking that Bharat returning set camp in Nandigram (outside Ayodhya ) and served to guard the kingdom of Ayodhya from there itself. This way showing great reverence in his elder brother and by refusing the kingship for himself he as if made penance for the wrong committed by his mother. On the other hand Ram along with Sita and Laxman carried on the vow eating roots, fruits and leaves of the jungle. Once Lord Indrs’s son Jayant (in the form of a crow )peeked on the feet of Sitaji, as a result of wahich he lost an eye. Later on reaching sage Atri’s Ashram Sitaji received a fire sermon on wife’s singular devotion to her husband from Ansuiyaji. Later when they reached panchvati then Ravan’s sister ‘Shuparnakha’ tuning into a beautiful maiden approached Ram and proposed to him to be her husband, then Ram said that he was already married, and she should approach his younger brother. Immediately she went to Laxman and started to scare Sita. Then Laxman slashed her nose and ears and made her ugly.Shuparnakha reaching Lanka provoked Khar, Dushan, Trishira and other demons. Ram killed them all with his arrows. Then Supranakha went to Ravan and began to wail there. Incensed with the insult of his sister Ravan had Marich turned into a mirage-deer and deceiving Laxman, abducted Sita and brought her to Lanka (cylone ). On the way great eternal vulture Jatayu was killed, fighting him. He gave the information that Ravan has abducted Sita.After performing his last rites when Ram proceeded further he met’Sugriva’ through the intermediary of Hanuman. After killing his brother Bali and making friends with him and with his help and cooperation Ram raised the Army of the monkey-humans and attacked Lanka. Finding Ravan on a chariot and Ram on foot, Lord Indra sent his chariot to him Ram climbed on the chariot helped on hoard by the extended hand of the chariot driver Matil. There was a fierce battle between Ram and Ravan. Finally Ram to kill Ravan put on his Bow that eternal missile ‘Brahmastra’ which never misses; which mowed-down all the ten heads of Ravana and dropped them all on the ground. Ram unleashed his Bow and Matil went back to ‘Swarga’ Ram handed over the kingdom of Ravana to Vibhishan and after purifying Sita in fire, took Hanuman, Sugriva,Vibhishan and Laxman etc. on hoard the pushpak aircraft and returned towards Ayodhya.
CHAPTER-XIII
After slaying the demon king Ravana, Maryada purushottam- the perfect one emblazoning dignity in human conduct-accepting purified by fire Sita, having installed Vibhishana brother of Ravana on the throne of Lanka, boarding air-chariot ‘pushpak’ with beloved consort Sita, brother Laxman, king of Apes Sugreev, disciple Hanumanji, gentle soul Vibhishan and the Apes and bear- warriors,. While on his way to Ayodhya, pointing out important sites made a lucid description of them to Sitaji Sri Ram first of all described the frothing sea being connected with his ancestors, shores of that sea, the wind and sky-way, then showed her the Dandya forest “ Dandyakaranya” where the meditating holymen, wearing only body- covers made of leaves of the flora, vacated the forest owing to the terror of the demons, then he showed her the place where he had found a jewellery worn on he feet and creeping vines shaking their branches, and by pointing their mouth to the south indicated direction in which Sitaji had been taken. Later Malayavan mountain and that pampa lake from where it is difficult to take your eyes off owing to the serenity of its water was described beautifully. There on the migrating cranes all over river Godawari, panchvati, Ashram, of sage Agastya who had dislodged king ‘Nahusha’ from the Heavenly abode, sage Shatkarni’s panchapsar named lake, sage Sutikshan and sage Sharbhanga’s Ashrams. Skycraping and strange Chitrakoot, pure River Mandakini, sage Atra’s peaceful meditating- place and the river Ganges brought thereby sagely Anisuiyyaji is described by Sri Ram. In the only amongst the holiest prayag’s literary and decorous narration of the confluence of Ganga-Jamuna rivers and then the living quarters of the leader of fishermen Nishardraj, Shringverpur’s introduction preceding a beautiful description of ‘Saryu’ river, originating from ‘ Mansarover’ lake under Holy Kailash, and playing the role of a child-maid; or a mermaid.
After the Sri Ram said, site right ahead of us the dust bowl rising on the ground which you can see, indicates that on the information of our coming relayed by Sri Hanuman to Bharatji, he is leading his army to welcome us. Like on my return after slaying the demon Khar-Dhushan, Trishira etc. in the battle, Laxman handed you over to me safe and pure, similarly Bharat will handover secure and without blemish the kingdom to me, who was away carrying-out the vow of the father.
Look Vaidehi; wearing fig-leaves dress Bharat walking on foot keeping priest Bashishtha ahead of him and the army behind, in the company of old and aged ministers holding a sacred water bowl in the hands is coming forward to welcome me. Despite being young he has lived like an ascetic for fourteen years in my love, affection and devotion, even after having received the kingdom from father. The moment Sri Ram stopped speaking thus, the pushpak propelled by his will suddenly landed on the ground from the sky above in the full sight of Bharat’s followers. Then taking hold of Sugreeva’s hand who was adept in serving Sri Ram, followed Vibhishan who had also guided the Pushpak, through ‘Sopan’ skyway, from which he alighted on the ground to salute dutifully sage Bashishtha the chief family priest, to accept the sacred-water bowl from Bharat, took him in emotional and tearful embrace and asked about the well-being of those ministers who kept slovenly and untidy appearances looking like a Banyan tree with bushy outgrowth because of the hairy growth on their faces for last fourteen years in the misery of separation from him, to console them and appease them, no end.
By and by Sri Ram introducing Sugreev an Vibhishan to Bharatji, they are my trouble-shooters in time of woes befallen on me, like my brothers at Arms, this is the king of Apes and Bears and this is Vibhishan who was always the first to strike on my enemies. Hearing this Bharatji greeted profusely both Sugreeva and Vibhishan before lovingly embracing Laxmanji, standing with head bowed down. Afterwards with the permission of Sri Ram Chandraji Sugreeva with outer apes adept in changing their identity rode on massive elephants as human beings to climb mountains and gain pleasure by doing so. At the behest of Sri Ram Vibhishan etc. climbed on fine chariots accompanied by camp-followers and servants. Thereafter, Sri Ramchandraji, with Bharat and Laxman boarded the will-power driven Pushpak-plane resplendent with flag-staff, as if in the conjunction of Buddha and Brihaspati, the worth looking at, the primate of the stars, the Moon rides on playful clouds full of lightening striking off and on. On the air-vessel itself Sri Bharatji bent down to touch the feet of Sitaji who was rescued by Sri Ram from the terrible clutches of Ravana, like the earth rescued by Adi Varah in the form of the boar, at the time of the great deluge. Having turned down the gestures of love from Ravana and becoming absolutely sacrosanct and fit to worship, devoted to one man only Sitaji’s pair of feets and follower of Ram the elder brother hence terribly hairy Bharatji’s head meeting together sanctified each other. After that the show-piece journey began.
Sri Ram in whose front Ayodhya’s subjects were moving, moved the Pushpak equally slowly and sedately for a mile to reach the tents decorated by Shatrughan to rest in them pitched in the beautiful gardens, with his family.
CHAPTER – XIV
After the night’s rest in the tent house in the garden of Ayodhya, Ram and Laxman, met their mothers Kaushilya and Sumitra and saw their world-weary and desolate embodiment after the demise of King Dashrath like a great shady tree having fallen down an two dried up creeping Vines barely surviving. Saluting in a proper order both the mothers saw the sons with tear-filled eyes in a haze, but could feel them with the son’s touch and pleasure derived, to know that it was them. The mothers wiped their tears of joy which were soothing and the warmth of the tears of despair. Afterwards they tenderly stroked the old wounds of Ram and Laxman received from the demons, as if they were the fresh ones and did not think it proper to be called the brave-mothers for Kshatriya’s women-folk. After that having caused much woes to the husband, without good-omen, falling on their feet, saying “I am Sita” to salute them both in equal measures. On this they said “O” sublime one; your husband along with Laxman could over-come the great suffering and hazards causing them because of the support derived from your upright and shining character.
After that old ministers celebrated with great pomp and show to Crown Sri Ram with the water brought from holy river Ganga and from other holy places, from which he turned more resplendent. By and by Sri Ram with band and music playing, entertaining and making the citizenry joyous entered the Capital Ayodhya and allotting houses full of all amenities to Sugreeva and other friends, entered the meditation room of his father King Dashrath adorned only with his replica, with tears coming incessantly from his eyes, and greeted and saluted Kaikeyi speaking diplomatically and softly to alleviate her discomfiture and shame. Thereafter, Agastya and other sages having arrived to greet Sri Ram were feted and honoured by him and then he learnt of the detail of Ravana’s birth and existence. After a fortnight Sri Ram had Sugreev, Vibhishan etc. feted by Sitaji and bid them farewell and dispatched Pushpak the flying machine to Lord Kuber. And got busy along with his brothers in good governance towards the happiness and welfare of his people. After sometime Sitaji conceived a child in her womb. When enquired of her pregnancy wishes by Sri Ram, then she expressed her desire to see the holy mediating places on the banks of Ganges. At that very time the spies reported of public-controversy about Sitaji and to alleviate controversy Sri Ram ordered Laxman to take Sitaji near the Sage Balmiki’s Ashram and leave her there. Accordingly, Laxman took Sitaji on his chariot with the subterfuge of visiting the ‘Ashrams’ and deboarded her from the chariot on the banks of river Ganges, and with great unhappiness in his heart told her of the orders of Sri Ram, hearing which Sitaji collapsed on the ground and lost her consciousness. Coming back to senses, on Laxman’s efforts Sitaji did not put any blame on Sri Ram for deserting her without any rhyme or reason of any wrong-doing on her part , but she began to curse her own destiny. Despondent Laxman fell on her feet, o’ great Aryan Lady! Do forgive my partaking in this act as I am a dependent to the sovereign, Get up Laxman! You may prosper and live happily. Please convey my best compliments and sincere greetings to my mother-in-laws and ask them to bless the child in my womb who is fathered by their son Sri Ram. And do not forget to convey my message to your elder brother. O’ king of All Alyoudhya, like all his subjects, he is duty-bound to look-after me also. That even after a test by the burning fire in front of all and sundry, in which I passed and stood the symbol of purity in Lanka and yet out of fear from a public- controversy and hoax to reject me is it justified and to what extent? And does it behove the dignity of the great dynasty to which he hails from? It looks like his rejection of the reigning deity of Ayodhya to proceed to the years in wilderness in my company had angered her so much that she could not tolerate my staying-put in the king’s palace. Now I shall confront the Sun-God and meditate that, again, I shall have him as my husband. Accepting the words of Sitaji, Laxman departed. And there after Sitaji began to wail in great desperation like the wailing bird ‘kurari ‘ ; which turned the entire jungle to pathos. The peacocks stopped their dancing, the trees shed their flowers and deers stopped nimbling on the grass in their mouths. Come out to collect the holy grass ‘kush’ and other articles for yagna, saga Balmiki following the sound of wailing came in front of Sita and addressed her o’ daughter ! From my yoga sight, I know Ram has left you disgusted with the hoax. You have arrived in your father‘s house living in another region. Your father-in-law Dahrath was a friend of mine and your father dispenses knowledge to all others and you are the foremost amongst those who are eternally devoted to their husbands. Live peacefully in this meditating Ashram, forever quiet with the presence of meditating monks. The upbringing of your child will be duly carried out with decorum. Go and bathe in river- Tamsa which dissolves the sorrow of those doing so and go about worshipping in temples, while staying with the daughters of the sages in the Ashram. Consoling her thus, taking Sita to his Ashram he put her up with the meditating a women in a small hut. Staying there with daughters of the sages, she began to pass her time with a regular time- table.
There in Ayodhya, Laxman related all the news to Sri Ram, hearing which tears started to roll-by from the eyes of Sri Ram, as he had sent her away from home and not from his heart.
By and by he got over the despair and stated to rule the people He did not marry again! Instead in the Horse- sacrifice yagna he had a golden replica of Sita placed at the Yagna-site to complete the Yagna. Hearing this it became somewhat easier for Sita to get- over the sorrow of her rejection from Sri Ram.
CHAPTER-XV
After rejection of Sitaji , Sri Ram did not marry any other woman. One day, sages form the banks of Jumuna came to inform Sri Ram that owing to disturbances from Lavanasur demon, our yagnas had to be stopped. Ram promised to alleviate their obstacles because he had taken birth on the earth for the defence of the religion. Ram gave the responsibility of the safety of the sages to Shatrughan when Shatrughan rode on the chariot, Ram blessed him and he started off by admiring the trees of the forests. There wasa platoon of army with Shatrughan which was really of no use like ‘Adhi’ upsarga in word Adhyan. On his way up, Shatrughan spent the first night in the ‘Ashrama’ of sage Ballmiki. Balmiki had arranged a fine welcome for Shatrughan, with the arrangement made through his yoga. The same night his sister –in-law living in Balmiki ‘s Ashram since her days in the wilderness, gave birth to two sons. Shatrughan was delighted on hearing the news. Next day, taking permission of the sage, with his folded hands Shatrughan stepped forward when he reached Madhuban town at that time, son of Ravan’s sister ‘Kumbhinasi’s son Lavanasur’ after killing the live-stock was returning to his city. Shatrughan thought that this was an opportune moment as he did not possess a spear in his hands. Shatrughan surrounding him, began to attack. On the other hand Lavanasur uprooted a tree and attacked Sri Shatrughan with it, while he turned it into splinters with his arrows. Then the enemy threw a great big rock on Sri Shatrughan which was also shattered into small pieces by yendra armament missile . Then that demon jumped on Shatrughan like a hurricane and he by striking him with vaishnav missile sent him to hell. After that Shatrughan felt that he was a real brother of Sri Laxman, slayer of ‘Meghnad’.
By slaying of Lavanasur’ the sages became overjoyed and blessed Shatrughan no end, and Shatrughan established a city called Mathura on the banks of Jamuna ,where there resided pious and happy people.
On the other end foreseeing with the help of Mantras Balmikiji being a friend of both Dashrath and Janak, performed the baptisation of both the sons of Sitaji with full rituals. At the time of birth of the elder son her labour pains were relieved by the hair of the cow’s tail and at the time of younger son by kush, therefore they were named ‘LAV ‘ and ‘KUSH’. When these children grew up the sage taught them the Vedas and its all subsidiaries and then had them sing his own creation the original poetry epic the ‘Ramayana’ . Both of them started to entertain their mother by singing the glorious songs praising Sri Ram. On his way back Shatrughan did not stop-by at Balmiki’s Ashram in order not to waste the precious time of the sage. Shatrughan proceeded directly to Ayodhya and saluted Sri Ram in the in the court- royal and related the entire happenings Sri Ram was duly impressed hearing all that and embraced Shatrughan to honour and welcome Shatrughan . On enquiry from Sri Ram no doubtShatrughan narrated all the details but did not mention about the the child- birth to Sri Sitaji, because Sri Balmikiji had asked him that at the right time he himself will deliver and hand-over the boys to Sri Ram .
After some time had passed a Brahmin putting down his dead son on his door- step began to wail inconsolably when Sri Ram enquired about the cause of his despair, then he felt very despondent because in the reign of the kings of Ikshawaku dynasty there was no untimely death. Saying so after recalling the pushpak air machine and riding it he set his path to conquer ‘yamraja’ the God of death, then there was a voice from the heaven, calling Sri Ram, there has accurred flaw in the caste manifestation in your kingdom , find it and get rid of it. On hearing it, Sri Ram started taking rounds of the earth and thus he came across a man hanging upside down from the
branch of a tree swallowing the smoke coming out of the fire down below . Then he asked him, “who are you and what is it that you are doing ? “ Then he replied. I am doing this to achieve the exalted position of Lord Indra. My name is shambuk and I am a ‘ shudra ‘ of the lowest caste in the caste manifestation. Then Sri Ram came to the conclusion that is a discord of piety by such unauthorised acts and that indeed is the cause of the untimely death of the son of the Brahmin. Therefore to stop his unauthorized act further he severed his head from an arrow. Getting the punishment from the king the ‘shudra’ achieved salvation of his soul and the son of the Brahmin arose from his death’s visitation. After a while Sri Ram let loose a horse for the ‘Horse- sacrifice yagna’. Sages and the kings and the learned teachers began to assemble. Completion of ‘yagna’ was not to be possible without the presence of a consort of the king and Sri Ram had not married again, so a golden statue of Sita was installed as the consort to start the ‘yagna’. The disciples of Sri Balmikiji and the twins of Sita, Lav and Kush started roaming around humming and singing the “Ramayana “ created by the sage, after taking the sage’s permission. As melodious as the songs from the throats of the super-tribe of Himalayas the Kinners, when the boys were heard by the people, the news of it reached the ears of Sri. Ram. He sent for the boys, and in the Company of his brothers, saw their beauteous selves and heard their melodious voices with wonderment. The full royal court was stupefied and spell-bound looking at Sri Ram and absolutely similarly cast in beauty, charm and coloration of the skin, the two boys, with rapt attention. The difference was only that they were young and dressed like people from the forest in fig. leaves while Sri Ram was a grown up man and attired in royal robes. The people were further astounded when they very humbly and subtly returned the gift given to them by Sri Ram. When he asked them as to who has taught you all this and who is the poet of this creation? Then told him the name of Sri Balmikiji.Then Sri Ram proceeded with all his brother to Balmikiji and saluted him, offering the entire kingdom of Ayodhaya on his feet, barring himself. The kind sage said to Sri Ram! These two singing youngsters are born from the womb of Sitaji and they are your sons. Now you should accept Sitaji back. Then Sri Ram said that o’ Sage, your daughter -in–law has been purified in the fire right in front of me in Lanka, but because of the vile- nature of Ravana, my subjects are not able to believe this. Therefore, should Sita agree to prove her sanctity before the subject, then with your kind permission I can accept her along with the sons. Hearing of Sri Rams vow., Balmikiji sent for Sitaji through the disciples. And in presence of the subjects assembled the next day, Balmikiji came forward with Luv . Kush and Sitaji in front of Sri Ram . on seeing her, everyone put his head down through remorse guilt and deep sense of shame that fo no reason they put a blotch on the character of this pious lady. Balmikiji spoke to Sitaji, o’ daughter, do erase the inhibitions of the people about you, in front of your husband. Accordingly with the Ganges- water, brought over by the disciples, in her hand Sitaji performing the ritual of ‘ Achman’ said if she has not violated her wife ‘s chastity by her actions, speech and thoughts , then o’ Goddess earth’ please take me in your cradle. On these words from her mouth the earth split apart and there appeared a shining glow of light like the lightening coming out of the earth. Sitting in its’ center on a throne the Goddess Earth took Sitaji in her lap and vanished inside back from where she had emerged. Somehow completing the yagna, Sri Ram set every one free to go. Sri Ram awarded the kingdom of Sindh to Bharatji. Bharat conquering over Gandharvas awarded his able sons Tax and pushkal, the areas of Taxila and pushkal.with Sri Ram’s permission, Laxman made his two sons Angad and chitra-ketu as monarch of Karapath. After completing all this, one day ‘kal ‘ came and met sri Ram alone and begged him to come back to ‘vaikunth. After that Ram appointed Kush as king of Kushavati and Luv as king of Sharavati. Then taking the holy fire started northwards after bathing in river Saryu in Gopratar, boarded on a flying machine to go to Heaven.
CHAPTER-XVI
Luv and other six Raghuvanshi braves chose the eldest amongst them Kush as their chief because love for a brother was family’s religion. One day at mid-night Kush had the hallucination of a ‘Lady ‘. Looking at her attire, it seemed her husband has gone away to some distant land. She came and stood before Kush with folded hands. Seeing her Kush enquired, o’ good lady, who are you?she replied , o’ King I am the city Goddess of Ayodhya. These days I am in such a despicable state, despite mighty rulers like you being around. In the absence of its master, the high buildings are in a state of both despair and disrepair and are crumbling down and a city as gorgeous as heavenly ‘Alkapuri’ my place of stay is looking desolate.The hutments on the banks of river ‘Saryu‘ are lying vacant and lonely. Therefore o’ King, like Sri Ram before you,you ababdon this capital and return to the capital Ayodhya, the capital of your dynasty also. When Kush acquiesced to her submissions, she disappeared. Kush related the strange episode of the night in a meeting handed-over Kushavati to veda-rendering Brahmins and departed for Ayodha with the Army. Departing from Kushavati the Army of Kush crossing Vindhyachal range of mountains, built a bridge on river Ganges with the help of their elephants and crossed-over. Kush saluted the holy river Gangaji because his ancestors and sons of King Sagar were sanctified by her water to pave their way to heaven.
In this way, Kush having passed sometime on his way, reached the banks of Saryu and then Ayodhya, where his ancestors after performing massive ‘yagnas’ had raised ‘yagna towers’. In the various gardens of Ayodhya, blooming tress, the cool water of river sarayu, and the flower scented wind-puffs from the gardens greeted Kush and his amy. Like on orders from Lord Indra, the clouds freshen-up the earth with greenery, similarly the masons and expert workers of Kush changed the face of Ayodhya. In the markets of Ayodhya, there were beautiful objects on display. That city looked so beautiful as if a beautiful lady, bejeweled and gracious was installed there. She looked as gorgeous as before . Living there the son of Janaki- Kush was so peaceful and content with happiness that he had no desire and inclination to become the Lord of the Heaven, full of eternally beautiful ‘Apsaras’ , neither did he wish to take- over heavenly ‘Alka-puri’, The lotuses in the lakes and ponds and chameli in the jungles around spread their fragrance seemed heavenly.
One day Kush felt like splashing around in the waters of river Sarayu with the accompaniment of women folk. And he got fully engrossed in water- sports. In the playfull mood. In the water splashings he could be compared to Lord Indra king of Devas splashing around in the ‘Akash-Ganga’ flowing in the heavens above in the company of the eternal maidens by name of Apsaras. Sri Ram had handed-over the jewel “Jaitra” to Kush at the time of his crowning, which was given to him by sage Agastya, during the water – sport that jewel fell –off in the water without any one getting aware of it. Kush asked the fisher folk to dive for it and find it out. Then the fishermen said to Kush, o’ Lord of Ayodhya ! it looks like the water serpent Kumud living in these waters has stolen it out of greed. Then infuriated Kush stood on the banks and straightened his Bow and put on the serpent destroying missile on it. At that moment the king of serpent’s tribe Nagraj Kumud appeared from the water keeping a fair maiden in front of him as if the eternal tree ‘ Kalpabriksha’ has emerged from water bringing Goddess Laxmi with him. He saluted the king and said, o’ great ruler, this girl of mine was playing with a ball and by her slap the ball went upwards when she looked-up looking for it, then she saw your this jewal coming down like a star. She, at once, caught hold of it. Please take her with you, she will be in your service, life long , she is my kid-sister, please accept her as your consort. Kush took his jewel and said from today you have become my relative. Later on sending for his relatives and family got them married with pomp and show and then on Kush began to rule Ayodhya.
CHAPTER-XVII
Like the human mind is refreshed early in the wee hours of before the day- break, similarly Kush was presented by Kumudani,a son named Atithi. Like the sun bathes the north and the south both by its purifying light and rays, similarly esoteric Atithi sanctified both the mother’s and father’s families. Kush, after the complete education of Atithi betrothed him with girls of royal house- holds. Atithi also was honourable and just like Kush , as well as brave- heart and victor over all the desires that men have Therefore Kush considered him as another version of himself. As per the custom of his ancestors, Kush too had gone to help Lord Indra in a warfare. He killed an invincible and formidable demon and ended his life honourably in that war. Like on setting down of the Moon, which brings about the blooming of Lotuses (or kumud ) on its rise, the moon-light fades away, similarly kumudini ended her life sitting on the funeral pyre along with kush . As per the orders of kush, when proceeding for war, the ministers appointed Atithi as their king . The ritual and purifying water falling on the head of Atithi looked like the falling on the head of Atithi looked like the Ganges falling on the head of Lord Shiva. Bathing with the water purified with Mantras the inner glow of his persona was intensified. After the ‘Abhishek rituals’ he gave away a lot of wealth to Brahmins. The deities in all big temples were decorated and worshipped and all of them blessed King Atithi . There was a big function organized during the Abhishek- ceremony. Like seeing the seasonal blooming of the trees one comes to know that the trees will produce a good crop of fruits, similarly seeing the happiness on the countenance of Atithi , the servants knew of big rewards and Atithi, leaving slumber aside ,worked for the welfare of the subject . whatever given away was not taken back. The possessor of dignified persona, beauty and wealth, automatically become drunk and undignified with over- confidence. King Atithi had all these, but not the element of show-off. He was a great politician. He could keep his confidence and revealed the secrets on completion of a deed. Like at the sun-rise nothing remains hidden in the open skies, similarly Atithi had spread out such a dragnet of spies that no matter of his subjects was a secret from him. Whatever routines are prescribed for a king for the day and the night, by the scriptures, all those were dutifully followed by King Atithi . his spy network was excellent and nobody came to know of any secrets. Whatever deeds he performed, they were all for the welfare of the people. He never had forsaken the religious conduct in pursuit of wealth and sexual gratification. He treated all the three of them with equal concern. He collected wealth for the reason of being able to give it away to the poor and down-trodden and spend it in the welfare of the people . By the great efforts of Kush the army that developed knowledge of missile war- fare was loved by Atithi like his own self. Like the precious stone worn by big snakes on their head that cannot be separated and removed from its head, similarly the enemies could not draw them towards themselves. He protected the sages meditating, saved the property of subjects from thieves. The way he was protecting these, the mother earth provided him with grandeur and wealth. The sea gave him jewels, the fields gave him grains and the forests gave him elephants. This way by all means excelling in politics he gained fine results from all his efforts, helped duly by the advise of his ministers. Looking at Atithi in the battle-field the enemy lost their confidence and courage and they flee away, saving their lives. Those approaching Atithi were paid handsome amount of wealth. Like the ‘Devas’ obey Lord Indra, similarly the kings on earth obeyed Atithi. Those Brahmins performing the Horse-sacrifice Yagna’ were paid-off like Kuber would do. Lord Indra provided timely rain on his Kingdom? Lord Dharmraj increased his religious assets, Yamraj stopped pestilence and Kuber filled his royal Coffers. This way all the performing deities happy with his might and grandeur helped him.
CHAPTER – XVIII
Destroyer or enemies King Aththi’s queen was the princess of Nishad Raj. Atithi fathered a son as strong as the mountain Nishadh from her, whom he named Nishadh. Like the timely rain falling on the agricultural fields gladdens the populace, similarly seeing the most virtuous prince Nishadh, King Atithi was overjoyed. Son of Kumudini, Atithi enjoyed the worldly pleasures for a long time, there after handing over the reigns of the kingdom to his sone Nishadh, he proceeded, on the merits of his pious deeds to enjoy the pleasures of Heaven. With lotus like eyes, serene as the Sea and having long arms like the streets of the City, incredible brave-heart Nishad also enjoyed the earth extending upto the seas. After him, his son Nal as glorious and as shining as the Fire itself, became the king. He was blessed with a son as dark as the sky called ‘Nabh’ who was as cherished by the people as the month of ‘Shravan’. Pious King Nal handed over the kingdom to that son of his and went away to stay in the forest in the company of deers and does. Nabh was blessed with a son called Pundrik. After his father’s passage to Heaven Goddess Laxmi taking him to be Lord Vishnu married him. That Pundrik handed over the kingdom to his son Kshemdhanva capable of looking after the welfare of the people and of cool temperament, and causing transquility upon himself proceed to the jungle to meditate. Kshemdhanva was blessed with a son called ‘Deoneek’ Performer of great Yagnas ‘Kshemdhanva’ hand-over the kingdom to a son much like him and took the steps to Heaven. Deoneek was equally respected and admired by both the friends and the foes. The name of Deoneek’s son was ‘Ahinag’. He never mingled with rowdy lot therefore abstained from all vices and ruled on the entire earth. And after the great conqueror of enemies left for Heavenly abode, his great son became the king of Ayodhya, who was blessed with a strong son called ‘sheel’.Sheel was blessed with a son called ‘Unnabh’ who was a peer among the kings; whose son was ‘Vajranabh’. He became the king of Heaven on the merit of his pious deeds. After him ‘Shankhar’ named son of his became the king of all the earth. After that handsome and glorious like the Sun, Ashwani Kumar became the king. His other name was ‘Vyupitashva’ also. He worshipped at Kashi Vishwanath and was blessed with a son called ‘Vishwasah’. His son was ‘Hirnyanabh’ whose son was ‘ Kaushalya’ name of his son was Vishishtha and Vashishtha’s son was ‘Shiromani’. He was blessed with a son called ‘Punn’ Punn’s wife gave birth to a son called ‘Pushpa’ who son was Dhruv-Sandhi, whose son was Sudarshan who was a mighty and glorious king. The ministers sent for picturers and married him to beautiful princess.
CHAPTER – XIX
Learned king Sudarshan, made his glorious like fire itself son Agnivarna the king and started living in ‘Naimisharyanaya’. There he drank pious water, slept on ground over a straw mat and abstaining even from fruits and roots for food started practicing Yoga on hibernation. Having succeeded the kingdom of Earth from his father, Agnivarna felt no difficulty in looking after it. For some time he looked after the governance of the kingdom, then having handed-over the same to his ministers, he started indulging in pleasures of flesh. Always present in new ways of fun-frolics and carousel he could not stay away from indolence and sexual gratification. He ways stayed in queen’s quarters. People were always anxious to have a look at him. That mighty king got fully engaged and devoted to beautiful women like the she elephant engages the bull-elephant in amorous advances. His lap had a place only for two things, a violin and the other a beautiful woman. Always on the look-out for a new material, everyday he indulged in, dances, singing and carousel and musical instruments and was sunk deeply into it. That king abandoning the governance of his kingdom, passed the various seasons enjoying the pleasures of senses. He having indulged so deeply in sexualities was still untouched by attacks from other kings on his kingdom. Like the moon got inflicted with tuberculosis by the swearing a curse by Daksha, similarly through over indulgence he too was inflicted with tuberculosis, which grew up gradually and his body became pale, he shed all his ornaments because of weakness. He had to take support of attendants shoulders even to walk from here to there. His voice became feeble; and he looked like a love-lorn man becoming so week and haggard. The king being afflicted with tuberculosis, the sun-dynasty was like the moon on the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight only one fourteenth are being visible, when the subjects enquired whether the king was suffering with some desease, then the ministers used to tell them that the king was busy performing son-begetting fastings therefore he was loosing his weight. Despite having many queens, the king could not see the face of son. Like the earthen lamp has no control of being kept lit against the wind, similarly the king could not be saved from the aliment. Conniving with the priests the ministers, on the pretext of alleviating the effects of the ailment, kept the dead body of the King on the fire in the courtyard gardens of the king’s palace, and the minister quickly assembled the leaders and with an unanimous decisions placed the main stream – queen on the throne who had shown signs of happy conceivement. The warm tears in the eyes of the queen after the sad demise of the King, and the warmth received by the prince in her womb cooled down on receiving the cool waters of the coronation – ceremony bathing. This way that Queen carrying her child in her womb, carried out the governance for the welfare of the people, with the advise and consent of the ministers for the sake of the well being of her people, whose orders could not be disobeyed by any one. According to Raghuvansha, it was the child borne out of the womb of this queen, who has been considered the last king of Raghuvansha.
Ayodhya in Mediaeval Period :
We are concerned with the myth of Ikshavakus, but at the same time after departure of the main line of their descendants the Raghuvanshies from Ayodhya, by kind consideration and designs of Gahadawals to their another eastwhile capital Kashi around 1194 AD or 1207 AD itself as per the bard-Banshi Kavi (and over-ruling his application of Samvat for Anno Domini). Indeed the focus of our story-tellign shifts to Kashi. But reading of stories of new theories of A.N. Chandra and of ‘Ashthachakra Ayodhya’ by M.C. Tiwari etc. we cannot leave Ayodhya by default as Ayodhya becomes equally important as much as Ikshwakus and Raghuvansies. So with the sackig of Jaychandra, Shihab-ud-din Ghori conquered Avadh and one Shah Juran Ghori said to have lived there as his tomb is located in Shah-Juran Ka Tila (Gazetteer, 1905).
The Sultans of Delhi:
One cannot pin-point the date as to when Avadh or Ayodhya became a provincial headquarter of the Muslim rulers in Delhi. One Minhaj Siraj, though, has given a list of the Governors of Avadh who were appointed by Delhi between 1206 AD to 1260AD. In this work he has written very clearly that during early Turkish rule, Avadh remained a stronghold of powerful Hindu Rajas from whom the governors of the Sultan could obtain only nominal allegiance. On the other hand these governors found this as a relief from the over-lordship of Delhi’s Sultans to consolidate their own strength and forces, locally and always tried to extend their territories eastward and on becoming stronger with their territorial gains, developed in stature and confidence, even to throw a challenge to the Sultanait in Delhi. Delhi resorted by changing the governors frequently. After around 1193 AD, Malik Husam-ud-din Ughulbank was appointed governor of Avadh by Sultan Qutub-udd-din Aibak, along with a mighty general Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji after being ignored by two successive Sultans in Delhi, who showed his Knowledge of army tactics operating between Avadh and Badaun. There is one outstanding name under the erarly Turkish Sultans who can be remembered for his feats of orignisationsl ability and valour, by name of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud son of Sultan Shams-ud-din Iltutmish appointed in 1226 A.D. He is the one who is credited of having subdued local Bhar rajas, who organized their forces to overthrow early Turkish invaders. There was a revolt in Avadh in 1236 AD against the successor of Iltitmish, Rukh-ud-din, by another son Malik Ghiyas-ud-din Muhammed who had succeeded his brother Nasir-ud-din Mahmud as the governor of Avadh. But when Razia Sultana ascended the throne in Delhi (1236 AD), she appointed Malik Nusrat-ud-din Taisi as Governor, who proceeded to Delhi to help Razia against her rebellious nobles, but died on the way. This brought Qamar-ud-din Quiran as his successor, who made many attacks on Tirhut and brought the rajas under control. In August 1245 AD Tughan Khan came as governor, and in 1255, Qutlugh Khan replaced him and married the mother of Sultan Nasir-ud-din (window of Iltitmish) Malika-i-Jahan, but moved to Bahraich. Qutlugh Khan marched in rebellion and killed Malik Bekti-mur, general sent by the Sultan at Badaun. The Sultan had to come himself to make him retreated to Bahraich. His successor in Avadh was Malik Taj-ud-din Irsalan Khan who also rebelled but was pardoned on intercession of Balban (Ulugh Khan). Tabqat-i-Nasiri comes to an end after 1260 AD. A great confusion prevailed in Avadh and according to Ziya-ud-din Brani” the roads had become poor and infested with robbers in the Doab and Avadh and all communications of the capital with the eastern provinces were severed” during the fag-end of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud’s reign, however with Balban ascending the throne the situation began to come under control. The severe punishment inflicted on the governors and high officials made them submissive. One of the governors in the early regime of Balban, Haihat Khan was flogged mercilessly and sacked for the crime of committing murder when drunk. Another governor Aitgin Mu-i-daraz Amin Khan was hanged at the gate of Avadh by Balban for having failed to suppress a rebellion .Tughril Beg and the Sultan had to come himself to Avadh and there he recruited an army and made arrangements for the Commissariat, military control over food supplies and the flotilla moved with the huge army to a place called Lakhnauti, in 1279 AD.
In 1287 AD Kaiqubad succeeded Balban, whose father Bughra Khan son of Balban Marched against the Sultan or against his own son. The two armies encamped in Avadh on the opposite banks of Ghaghra,, but due to intercession of nobles a reconciliation was brought about, like in the case of Ikshawaku and Vikukshi in its earlier days.
The severed head of Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khalji was sent to Avadh for public display by his nephew Ala-ud-din Khalji when he was governor of Avadh after replacing Malik Taj-ud-din Kuchi who had crushed the rebellion of governor Amir Ali Sar Jandar Hatim Khan and his accomplice Malik Chhajju in August-September 1290 AD. During the early stage of his reign Ala-ud-din assigned Avadh and Kara to Ala-ul-Mulk (historian Baani’s uncle but soon his bephews Malik Umar and Mangu Khan were made in-charge, but soon thought they rebelled against the Sultan, but they were captured and sent to him at Ranthambhor.
During the reign of Mahammad bin Tughlaq, Malik Ainul-mulk Multani was governor of Avadh and Zafrabad for a long time. He suppressed local and recalcitrant chiefs and ensured peace in the region. He was able to supply provisions to Delhi at the time of famine there. To ensure regular flow of supply from Avadh, Sultan camped in a village called Swargadwari in Farrukhabad, which made the governor suspicious and he rebelled against him in 1340 AD. According to Ibn-i-Battuta, who wasan eye-witness to the events,the Sultan was placed in a very difficult position, but the rebellion was quelled and Ain-ul-Mulk was removed from Avadh. His successor was a Hindu, Kishan Bazran Indri.
During the first expedition of Bengal in November 1353, Sultan Firuz Tughlag halted in Avadh. The Hindu Chieftens offered their allegiance to the Sultan. During his second expedition to Bengal in 1358-59, he again stayed in Avadh and marched from there to Zafrabad where, he founded Jaunpur. In 1376-77 Malik Husam-ud-din Nawa was appointed governor of Avadh and Sandila and after his death in 1377-78, his eldest son, Malik Saif-ud-din, became the governor. He served Firuz Shah till the end of his reign and then joined Sultan Muhammad Shah the younger son of Firoz Shah in April May 1389. There was a great confusion in Delhi Sultanait at the time of Firoz Shah himself and it eroded the authority of Delhi. In May 1394, Sultan Mahmud Nasir-ud-din Shah ordered Malik-ush-Sharq Khwaja-i-Jahan to proceed to Hindustan, which at that time meant the eastern regions of the Delhi Sultanait. He brought Kannaju, Kara, Avadh, Sandila, Dalmau, Bahraaich etc. under subjugation and founded the independent Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur. So our exercise of tracing the governorship of Avadh has not been in vain and it has given us a clue of the Sharqi dynasty and the origin of Janupur, which affected the life and living of the Raghuvanshi settlers in Katehar and even Dobhi in Jaunpur. Much can be made out about the circumstances which resulted in their (Raghuvanshies) living styles, although sent away by Jay Chandra in a magnificent gesture to an exile in the forests of Parganas Katehar and Dobhi, mainly in order to spare them the impending massacre at the hands of Turks and other tribes of an alien country and religions.
Under the Jaunpur kings, Avadh was administered in a better way than under the later Sultans of Delhi .The Sharqi rulers took pains to placate the local Rajas and Zamindars of petty fiefdoms, though functioning quite independently and having consolidated their position and strength to maintain peace and order in their kingdom. Mir Saiyid Muhammd Ashraf Jahangir Simnani author of Laitaif-i-Ashraf lived there in the reign of Ibrahim Shah Sharqi – (1401-1440 AD) from 1452 to 1480 AD Bahlul Lodi (the founder of Lodi dynasty of the Afghans) waged incessant war against the Sharqi dynasty Sultans, before ending their rule. Thus Avadh again became a part of Sultanaite of Delhi and was given by Bahlol to Kala Pahad Farmuli, but Sultan Hussain Sharqi kept on pounding on his lost empire from Bihar and both Jaunpur and Avadh remained in a turmoil till 1495,when Sikander Lodi was able to consolidate his empire upto Bihar. But his successor Ibrahim Lodi could not keep his sway on Afghan nobles. A civil war ensued with two sides taking-up arms led by two brothers, the sultan and his brother Jalal Khan. Jalal Khan held Avadh for a while, but eventually it came under Ibrahim Lodi.
The Mughals
Bayazid Farmuli held Avadh at the time of Babar's invasion and after he killed Ibrahim Lodi in the 1st battle of Panipat in 1526 AD. Babur accepted Farmuli’s surrender and Babur assigned him a portion of Avadh with a large amount of revenue. But soon he rebelled against Babur. Babur went eastwards in 1528 to chastise him, and asked Chin Timur Sultan to proceed there and crush the rebels. Bayazid escaped to Ghazipur. Babur himself reached Ayodhya and stayed there for a few days and was highly pleased with the “gardens running water, well designed buildings, trees, particularly mango trees, and various birds of coloured plumage” He appointed Baqi Tashqandi, the governor of Avadb, who did well in bringing under control the Chieftens of the locality around Ayodhya Baqi built a mosque in Ayodhya in 1528 A.D. The inscription inside the mosque gives the date of construction of the building in the last line and is as follows:
“Ba farmuda-i-Shah Babur kiadla
Bina ist ta Kakh-i-gardun mulaqi
Bina kard in muhbit-i-qudsiyan
Amir-i-Saadat-nishan Mir Baqi
Buvad Khair baqi-chu Sal-i-binaish
Ayan shud ke guftam-Buvad khair baqi”
By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is an edifice reaching up to the very heights of the heavens: The good hearted Mir Baqi built this alighting place of angels Buvad Khair baqi (may this goodness last for ever:). The year of the building it was made clear likewise when I said, Buvad Khair baqi(=935)
Humaun succeeded Babur and his campaigns against Gujrat and causing prolonged stay away from the capital, let loose a spate of troubles in the eastern region of his empire. Muhammad Zaman Mirza, Sultan Mirza and, Ulugh Beg Mirza rebelled in the eastern districts. Ulugh Beg Mirza and his sons captured Avadh and tried to occupy Jaunpur and Kara Manikpur. Hindal, the younger brother of Humayun, immediately left Agra and hastened east to crush rebellion, but the Mirzas banded together and prepared to oppose him near Ayodhya. Ulugh etc. fought well but were defeated.
Avadh again came under Afghans after the over-throw of the Mughals by Sher Shah who was responsible for erecting a mint, which carried on making coins even after him.
Avadh and the eastern regions of the empire remained in a turmoil during the early years of Akbar. In 1564-65 Avadh is mentioned as a Jagir of Sikandar Khan Khan-i-Alam while Ibrahim Khan uncle of Ali Quli Khan-i zaman, held surhurpur (now in Akbarpur). They rebelled in concert with Khan-i-Zaman but Akbar came and suppressed them personally. In 1566 Khan-i-zaman was pardoned but rebelled again. Ayodha was held on his bebalf by Sikander Khan who was besieged there in the fort in 1567 by Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, Raja Todar Mal and other nobles of the imperial army. On account of the defeat and death of Ali Quli Khan and the presure of the besiegers. Sikander Khan fled towards Gorakbpur. The Sirkar of Avadh was assigned to Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas in 1567 and Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan, the governor of eastern districts returned to Jaunpur. Muhammad Mohsin Khan founded Akabarpur.
The eastern region of the empire remained tranquil and no mention is found of Avadh in the contemporary history. In 1580-81 Wazir Khan of Herat was appointed governor of Avadh. Abul Fazl says, “As that province was without a great officer, His Majesty ordered that the peasantry and soldiers should be succoured. He went off in the end of the month, and many choice servants and soldiers accompanied him. In 1580 Tarsun Muhanmad Khan was appointed governor of Jaunpur in place of Masum Khan Farankhudi ,who bad become rebellious and had to be transferred to Avadh, althougb he did not change and Arab Bahadur, Niabat Khan and other dissatisfied nobles joined him. Shahbaz Khan, governor of Bihar was sent for to bring them to submission, but Shabbaz Khan was forced to retire to Jaunpur but Tarsun Muhanmad Khan surprised the rebels and forced them to flee. Again with Shahbaz Khan he forced Masum Khan to flee towards Siwalik hills. Peshran Khan (darogha of the farrashkhana) received the governorship of Avadh in place of Masum Khan, but he too soon rebelled and fell in disgrace. In 1582 and following years, Army of Avadh under Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka was sent to suppress the rebellion in Bihar and Bengal.
In 1586 the system of appointing two amirs as the governor of a province was started so that at least one could remain actively engaged in the administration. Consequently Avadh was assigned to Fateh Khan and Qasim Ali Khan; Mulla Nazir and Tara Chand were attached as Dewan and Bakhshi (accountant). Fateh Khan died in 1589-90. In 1594-95 a new experiment was tried and a vizir was appointed in each province. Kansur or Khanaur was appointed vizir in Avadh. Akbar systematically divided his empire in provinces and administrative arrangements introduced by him remained for long. After that references to Avadh became very scanty in contemporary chronicles. William Finch, the English merchant who traveled through the Mughal empire (1608-1611) says that Avadh is a citie of ancient note, and seat of Potan kings, now much ruined: the castle built four hundred years agoe. heere are also the ruins of Ranichand (Ram Chandra) castle and houses which the Indians acknowled(g)e for the Great God, that he took flesh upon him to see the tamasha of the world. In these ruines remayne certain Bramenes, who record the names of all such Indians as wash themselves in the river running thereby, which Custome, they say, hath continued foure lackes of yeeres (which is three hundred ninetiefoure thousand and five hundred yeeres before the worlds creation). Some two miles on the further side of the river is a Cave of his with a narrow entrance but so spacious and full of turnings within that a man may well loose himself there, if he takes not better heed; where it is thought his ashes were buried. Hither resort many from all parts of India, which carry from hence in remembrance certaine graines of rice as blacke as gun-powder, which they say have been preserved ever since. Out of the ruines of this castle is yet much gold tryed. (Mentioned in Ain of Blochmann and Jarret's translations) Here is great trade and such abundance of Indian asse-horne (Rhinoceras horn) and they make bucklers and divers sorts of drinking cups. There are these hornes, all the Indians affirme, some rare of great price, no jewell comparable, some esteeming them the right unicornes horne."
In 1621 Baqir Khan Nazim Sahi was appointed governor of Avadh and he rendered valuable service to Jahangir in resisting the rebel prince Khurram (Shah-Jahan). Mirza Khan Manuchehr, a grand son of Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khanan, was appointed governor of Avadh in the tenth year of Shah Jahan's reign.In the twenty sixth year of his reign Shah-Jahan appointed Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman Shah Nawaz Khan governor of Avadh and also assigned to him Gorakhpur and Bahraich. He remained in Avadh for five years and was succeed by Shafi-ullah Tarbiat Khan Barlas who was soon recalled to the Capital owing to the war of succession which had started there. Iradat Khan Mir Ishaq was appointed Fauzdar of Avadh in 1658 the first year of Aurangzeb's reign. On his death Azim Khan Koka was appointed, who was succeded by Shah Quli Khan who died in Ayodhya in the tenth year of Aurangzeb's reign. Therenot who traveled in India in 1666-67, was informed that there were many rajas who did not own the authority of the Great Mughal and that there were two "Pagodas of great reputation in Ayond” In 1670 Terbiat Khan was again appointed governor of Avadh in place of Fidai Khan. Saadat Khan succeeded him in 1675 and was 1ater replaced by Namdar Khan. Khwaja Mir Khafi Salahat Khan was appointed Subedar in 1684 but shortly afterwards Namdar Khan was re-appointed to succeed him. In Feb. 1690 Himmat Khan (Son of Zafar Jang Kukultash was appointed Subedar of Avadh and 'Fauzdar' of Gorakhpur, In 1694 new appointments and transfers were made again. Askar Khan Succeeded Himmat Khan in October 1694 to remain till 1698 and was replaced by Zabardast Khan. Khuda Banda Khan Bayutat received the governorship in October 1700. In December 1703, Shamser Khan was made governor of Avadh, probably called Moazzamabad Avadh at that time. He was succeeded by Mirza Khan-i-Alam who died in July,1706, and Abu Nasar Khan (son of Shaista Khan) obtained the govership of Avadh in the same year.
According to the author of Khulasat-ut tawarikh the province was famous for its excellent rice and extensive cultivation." In the environs of Ayodhya, gold was obtained by sifting dust. Fish was speared by men in boats on the Sai river." In 1712 Bahadur Shah the emperor appointed Mir Qamar-ud-din, Subedar of Avadh and Fauzdar of Lucknow and also conferred on him the title of Khan-i-Dauran Khan Bahadur in the same year, but shortly afterwards he resigned.
In the reign of Jahandar Shah, the government of Avadh was once again conferred upon Mir Qamar-ud-din Khan-i-Dauran, who enjoyed the position only for a short time till the first year of Farrukh Siyar's reign (1713 AD) when Muhariz-ul-MUlk Mir Mohammad Sarbuland Khan Dilawar Jang was appointed governor. He was soon recalled to the Court. In 1719 Girdhar Nagar, nephew of Chhabila Ram, was made governor of Avadh with very extensive powers. He remained in office till the dovmfall of the Saiyid brothers of Barha. The coin struck in the mint of Avadh during the reign of Muhammad Shah had the words Avadh and Akhtarnagar inscribed on them. The end of Giridhar Nagar's governorship in September, 1722, saw the decline of Avadh and it soon became a bone of contention among several local chieftains. It was his successor, Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk, who in the reign of Muhammad Shah, was able to maintain peace and order in Avadh and thus extended his power considerably.
The Nawabs (1720-1856)
The founder of the ruling dynasty of Avadh, Mir Muhammad Amin, entitled Saadat Khan Burhan-ul- Mulk, traced his descent from the seventh Imam of the Shias, and was a native of Nishapur in Khursan. In 1708-09 he migrated to India. In July 1710, he entered the service of Sarbuland Khan, fauzdar of Kara-Manikpur in Allahabad, and resigned 1712 due some misunderstanding. From 1713 he remained in the service of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar. On October 6, 1719, he was made the faujdar of Hindaun Bina by the next Emperor, Muhammad Shah. He had taken part in the intrigue connected with the over throw of Saiyid brothers who had sought to replace Muhammad Shah by Muhammad Ibrahim. In 1720, as a reward for his services, he was given the title of Saadat Khan Bahadur as also the governorship of Agra from where he was transferred to Avadh in 1722.
At that time the Subah of Avadh was dominate by semi-independent and powerful zamindars and rajas who possessed their own armies and strong brick or mud fortresses. In the early stage in 1723 when Raja Mohan singh of Tiloi refused to surrender the parganas he had seized, Saadat Khan proceeded to crush his power and in the contest Raja Mohan Singh died and his army fled from the field in panic and Saadat Khan got back the parganas. The city of Lucknow, which was in the occupation of the Shaikhzadas, was captured by him in 1722. In 1725 Saadat Khan started suppressing the other chiefs of Avadh (like the Bais and Bisens) and his success here as well as in other parts of the empire enhanced his prestige and established his reputation. He then carried out a fresh revenue settlement, which enhanced the revenue income of the province. For these services he was presented by the emperor with the 'Mansab' of 7000 and honored with the title of Baurhan-ul-Mulk. When Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1738-39, Saadat Khan was summoned to its defence by the emperor, but soon after the capute of Delhi by Nadir Shah, Saadat Khan died on March 19, 1739.
Saadat Khan resided chiefly at Ayodhya where at Lakshaman Ghat, he built his official residence and called it Qila Mubarak. He had a well-equipped and huge army better than most others. His victory over Marathas at Jalesar in April 1737 was considered a great achievement. Till that time city of Faizabad was not founded. The Nawab used to have his court held in ‘keorah’ jungle on the banks of Ghaghra in tents, which got converted into military cantonment . He had a shooting –box (bangla) constructed raising a mud wall all around with a bastion at each corner as in a Fort. This enclosure was large enough to accommodate all the cavalry, infantry and artillery in mud houses. After his death, this same place came to known as Faizabad; and the headquarters of the government got transferred here and it continued to be called ‘bangla’
Saadat khan was succeeded by his nephew and son-in-law, Mirza Muhammad Muqim (Abul Mansur Khan Safdarjang), who had already run the Government, when Saadat Khan used to be away in Delhi. After Saadat Khan’s death he offered two crores of rupees to Nadir shah to have his ‘subedari confirmed by Muhammad Shah. He was also given the rank of mir –i –atish (Grand master of artillery ) and was made ‘vizir’ of the empire on the death of Nizam –ul-mulk and was heaped-upon with titles and honours. Safdar Jang was the real founder of Faizabad city. Atma Ram was his dewan whose sons laid-out a long bazaar to the west of Saadat Khan’s enclosure (near Delhi Darwaza). Ismail khan a risaldar, built the market known as Ismailganj, and several other houses were built by rich traders and Mughal chiefs laid-out beautiful gardens. But safdar Jang was often away at Delhi. Taking advantage lof the Government change, the new Raja of Tiloi tried to regain his independence, lost in 1723, but was defeated by Safdar Jang in 1739 November. In 1741 Nawal singh Gaur of Katesar (Sitapur ) also revolted but could not succeed against huge army of Safdar Jang. The raja was restored of his territory after tendering submission.
Safdar Jang’s most trusted deewan was Raja Nawal Rai, who was killed in khudaganj on August 13, 1750 with an engagement with the troops of Ahmad Khan Bangash, the Nawab of Farrukhabad. Avadh felt the turmoil of Bangash chief’s incursions. Shortly before his death Safdar Jang lost his office of vizir at Delhi, loosing favour of the emperor. He had cancer of the leg and died on October 5, 1754 and buried in Delhi with a beautiful mausoleum on grave. New Delhi airport was named as Safdar Jang airport, in the present days.
His son Suja-ud-daula, whose name we have seen in our discourse of the Benares region, with the John Company and Raja Balwant singh etc., succeeded him and made Faizabad his capital, so the readers of Raghuvanshies in Benares will see that our dealing with the Avadh rulers has a direct bearing on the goings- on in Benares region, other than the interest of people like me in the Nawabs of Lucknow and of scanty knowledge of the history of Faizabad and Lucknow also vis-a-vis Benares and ninety-six parganas, which include Katehar and Dobhi. Similarly we are informed of the Jaunpur sultanaite of Sharqi dynasty where Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo visited to show his valour to a sharqi ruler with ‘Shah in his name or ‘Jahan’ in his name, which had our bard confuse him for Shah Jahan, as the zamindari rights of ‘Bayalasee’ pargana could be granted by only a Sultan of Jaunpur and Delhi had no direct say or authority of doing so,directly,so to say.
When Emperor Alamgir II was murdered in 1759, his son Shah Alam II fled for his life and took refuge with Shuja-ud-daula. When Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded India in 1761, at the invitation of Najib-ud-daula, the Rohilla chief, Shuja-ud-daula was won-over to their side. But soon after the defeat of the Marathas in the battle of Panipat, he realized that he had made a mistake in joining the Afghans.After this battle, when the Emperor was returning from Bihar ,having been routed by the British, he was received by Shuja-ud- daula in sarai saiyid Razi on July 19, 1761. The Emperor appointed Shuja up-daula vizir of the empire on February 15th, 1762, the later finally regaining the high post his father had lost.
After sustaining a series of defeats at the hands of the British, Mir Qaim, the Nawab of Bengal took refuge with Shuja-ud-daula who espoused his cause. Shah Alam was secretly corresponding with the British who were keen on creating discord between he emperor and the vizir and wanted Shuja-Ud-Daula to hand over Mir Qasim to them. However it is a sad commentary that the combined forces of Mir Qasim, Shuja-Ud-Daula and Shah Alam II, where Raja Balwant singh was calculatingly on the side of the British; were defeated by the British at Buxor on October 23rd, 1764. Shah Alam at once cast his lot with the British and went on to issue a proclamation divesting Shuja-Ud-Daula of all authority and status. But the latter refused to come to terms until the British had marched on Lucknow and Allahabad and all Avadh was at their mercy. On August 16,1765, Shuja-Ud-Daula was eventually compelled to enter into a treaty “for perpetual and universal peace, sincere friendship and firm union” with the East India company. Clive restored the districts of Avadh to Shuja-Ud-Daula on consideration that “every motive of sound policy be weighed against extending the territorial possessions of the company.” He thus strengthened Avadh as a buffer state between Bengal & Northern India. Kara and Allahabad went to Shah Alam II. Shuja-ud-daula paid fifty lakhs war-indemnity and even Avadh was drawn in the meshes of the company.
In 1765 Shuja-Ud-Daula finally made Faizabad his residence. He built anew, on a grander scale, the walls of Saadaat Khan’s old citadel. A deep trench was dug on each side of the fort leaving enough room for his retainers and soldiers between the trench and the fort. Two large walls were built for the defence of the cilty. Troops were posted around the clock on the top of the walls. The city wall which was completed before 1772 was of mud, but 30 ft. thick and 15 ft.wide on top. Shuja-Ud-Daula’s new mud-fort and palace, standing on the banks of the Ghaghara, were still under erection in January, 1733 and said to have employed 40,000 men and women daily. The walls of the new fort were sixty feet. Thick and so well compressed “ that elephants made no impression with their feet”. A grand market Chowk Bazar, extended from the southern gate of the fort to the Allahabad gate of the city, and was so broad that ten carts could run abreast. There was a Tripolia at the entrance beautifully arched and tall. A visitor to the palace had to pass through the Chowk Bazar and Macpherson, who visited Faizabad in 1773, was struck by the breadth of the streets but he noted that the houses on either side were of indifferent construction.” There were three well–laid out flower and fruit gardens within the walls. Anguri Bagh inside the fort, Moti Bagh in the heart of the Chowk Bazar and Lal Bagh the largest and most beautiful just outside the fort. Aish Bagh and Buland Bagh on western outskirts.
His army had 80,000 regulars in red coats and 40,000 irregulars in black coats ,the chief commander was Saiyid Ahmad, known as Bansiwala. The chiefs of the cavalry were Nawab Murtaza Khan Barij and two Gossains, Himmat Bahadur and Umrao Giri. After Buxor fiasco the Mughals were sacked as unreliable and Rajputs, and other Hindus and Musalmans were recruited in their places. Gentil (Frenchman ) Aratoon (the Abyssinians) were commissioned to frame rules and regulations for the traing and organization of his artillery, An arsenal was established in Faizabad with Guns muskets, and field artillery of good caliber and latest design, under the French officers. So efficient was the artillery that it filled the E.I. Company’s officer in Bengal with apprehensions about their superiority. He had a trained dragnet of spies and had some 22000 Messengers, Ghulam Alli, author of Imad-us-Sadat, estimates the total member of harkaras (couriers) at 18000. So effectively the department worked that news from Pune reached Faiabad on the ninth day and from Kabul on the twelfth. He spent Rs.2,16,000 annually on this important service. Faizabad attained great prosperity and traders from Persia, Turan, China and Europe frequently visited the city with their costly wares and disposed it off earning profit.
The East India company carried-on the policy of maintaining Avadh like a buffer state, like they had used Balwant Singh and Chait Singh’s Benares region as a buffer estate between Avadh and Bengal and themselves, gradually usurping the buffer, between themselves and the Marathas and other invaders who could be kept at bay by the Nawab, while the C-ompany troops were being rushed to Nawab’s assistance. The British never liked that Shuja- Ud-Daula should become so powerful to be a menace rather than a bullwork of defence. They got alarmed and set about creating limitations to his military hardware, so that it would enable him to maintain law and order within the territory and leave Avadh strong enough to serve them as a buffer against outside aggression. This led to a fresh treaty on November 29, 1768, when Shuja- Ud-Daula agreed but with great reluctance to limit his troops to 35000 men.
At the time of Hastings assumption of the governorship of Bengal, the East India company was facing a severe deficit. As the districts of Kara and Allahabad which Hastings had taken back from Shah Alam II were proving to be ruinously expensive. Hastings made them a source of profit by handing them back to Shuja- ud-daula on payment of sixty lakhs of rupees. To consolidate the deal a new treaty was concluded at Benares on sept. 7, 1773 by which Shuja- ud-daula agreed to have the Company’s Resident stationed at his court. Al though this acquisition added to the revenues of Avadh, it also increased Shuja-ud-daula’s reliance on the British which in its’ turn intensified the friction between Shuja- ud-daula and the Marathas.
In 1774, being unable to recover from Rohillas, a sum of Rs.40 lakhs (in lieu of the aid rendered by him in expelling the Marathas from Rohilkhand). Shuja- ud-daula paid to the British this very sum and with the help their troops destroyed the Rohillas and annexed their territory to Avadh.
With Asaf-ud –daula as new Nawab vizir great changes took place in the politics of Avadh. According to kamal-ud-din Haider he transferred his capital to Lucknow seven years after his accession. Faiz Bakhash in his ‘Tarikhh-i- Farah Bakhsh’ is, however, not clear on this point, but it could have started from the very first year of his accession. William Hoey in his translation of the above work says “All the equipments and surroundings of wealth and grandeur were by degrees transferred to Lucknow, and the cantonments and workshops, and elephants and bullocks, and everything connected with government and the state, gathered there. The market for the camp followers, troops and all servants of the Government old and new, left Faizabad and went to Lucknow.”
In his reign, the East India Company began to interfere actively in the affairs of Avadh. Te Nawab vizir was informed that the treaties between his father and the Company were no longer binding and he had to enter in to Treaty of Faizabad, on may 21, 1775, which took the form of defensive alliance, the main result of which was deprivation of considerable portion of his revenue.
As he could not meet the demands of East India company, he turned to the wealth Shuja –ud- daula had left with his mother, Nawab Begum and his wife Bahu Begam (Asaaf-ud-daula’s mother), who eventually consented to gives him thirty Lakhs of rupees and grant him a loan of twenty six lakhs, provided he did not pester her again and she may be left to her Jagirs and property. Later on Bahu Begam was found complaining of violation of John Bristow’s guarantee on behalf of the Company . Things in Avadh kept on deteriorating, Mukhtar-ud-daula, the vizir was murdered and a man of Hastings choice, Haider Beg khan was made vizir. By 1777 the Company, in order to undermine his prestige, asked him to increase the expenses to ones and a half crores of rupees, without any need for doing so, by adding an additional brigade. In 1778 Asaf-ud- daula asked the company to dismantle this unnecessary brigade and tyranny and oppression of its European military officers and complained of perpetual exactions on the part of the Company. After Asaf-ud-daula met Hastings personally at Chunar on September 19, 1781, this request was heeded to. It was also decided that the agreements with the Begums was no longer valid and that the Nawab was to be allowed to confiscate all their personal Jagirs and to seize the the large treaure left by his father, provided Asaf-ud-daula gave seventy lakhs to the company. Thus company had squeezed two crores and thirty lakhs of rupees from the Nawab in last nine years. In the impeachment of Warren Hastings by the British Parliament, the inhuman treatment of the Begams of Avadh by him was a huge charge against him. As pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru has written with a rare state of anger in his otherwise stately Discovery of India, what better measure of the Company‘s misrule than its contribution to the English lexicon-the Hindustani word ‘loot’. There Is good book come –out by the British historian Nick Robins who takes an unsparingly critical stand. He tracks the East India Company, from their merchants landing in Surat in 1608 not as conquistadors with flags and drums but as commercial supplicants who went form strength to strength using all the tricks crafts and wiles and open treachery of unscrupulous and horrendous proportions in order to obtain unprecedented tax-holiday in 1717 from Moghul Emperor, monopolistic rights , even no other British merchants, leave alone other European merchants were allowed to trade from Indian ports, mergers and creeping acquisitions (annexations through warfare, forgery and guile) and the free-for-all of capitalism (mercantilism as it was then, called). Nick Robins is singular in his purpose of informing to convince that the East India company was a blackguard of the deepest dye, at variance with the renewed romanticism of East India Company is being honoured as the peers of the now- flowing global trade . the EIC, Robins reminds was a “rump of unconstitutional power”. The Company should be judged for its role as defacto government of India , a responsibility it grievously abused. Indian who remember British rule with vestiges of love-for the the Railways the English language, the administrative machinery-he points out that most of this institution- building took place in the post Company phase, when public works replaced plunder-to rule of Vctoria from that of the John Company, who had grown up from a trading post in Surat since 1608 to become a virtual government of India and several generations enjoyed shaking the pagoda tree, until it was finally sent packing,250 years later by the British Crown. The company rule for the most part was distinguished by plunder, human rights abuse and systematic extortion, resulting in a crippling famine and a bloody insurrection. In particular it is remembered with horror for being the white leech that bled the wealth of Bengal, beggaring it to beyond description in John Company and the lavish Nabob life style of its petty clerks so appalled those in the home country that in the early 1800s, the leading utilitarian thinker Jeremy Bentham proposed to the British Parliament that two statues be raised in London-one of the corrupt Governor general Warren Hastings, and another beside him , of a “long robed accomplice lodging a bribe into his hand. It indicated th open contempt in which the Company’s men were held; not least by a young Karl Marx, who went on to write his seminal history of the “ First war of Indian Independence, as per Nina Martyrs.
Asaf-ud- daula was unable to pay seventy lakhs to Hastings, and Hastings instructed Middleton the Resident not to allow any negotiations or forbearance until the Begams were at the entire mercy of the Nawab, their Jagirs in the quiet possession of his ‘amils’ and their wealth in such charge as might secure it against private embezzlement”. And Hastings insisted on payment of all debts on the Nawab. When the Nawab appointed his own amils to take charge of Bahu Begums Jagirs, she strongly resented that and wrote letters to the Resident. She said “should the country be lost to me it shall be lost to all. I give this intimation. Note it”. Inspite of all this the Resident sent a regiment to support the amils in the execution of Nawabs commands and the Nawab announced his intentin of proceeding to Faizabad to demand his father’s treasure.
In the fist week of January, 1782 British detachment were marched to Faizabad to support the Nawab’s troops. The fort was captured and the two eunuchs, who were the stewards of the Begum, were forced to part with the treasure and by January 28, 1782, the Nawab had taken possession of most of the treasure and had begun to pay-off the fines imposed on him by the John Company.
The spoliation of the Begums of Avadh formed one of the charges in Hasting’s impeachment in England. According to the prosecution his conduct was criminal. Alfred Lyall says, “The employment of personal severities, under the superintendence of British officers, in order to extract money from women and eunuchs, is an ignoble kind of undetaking……to cancel the guarantee and leave the Nawab to deal with the recalcitrant princesses was justifiable, to push him on and actively assist in measures of coercion against woman and eunuchs was conduct unworthy and indefensible.”
Hastings later tried to make some unsuccessful attempt to reorganize the administration and finances of Avadh. Middletion was removed from the post of Resident and Bistow appointed in his place, who ordered the withdrawal of Company’s regiment form Faizabad.
After the death of Asaf-ud-daula Bahu Begam contemplated claiming a part in the management of Avadh and was encouraged by Hussain Raza Khan, Raja Tikait Rai, Almas Ali and others. The Begum’s request that the private treasures of Asaf-ud-daula be examined in the presence of some of her own people was not acceded to by the British over-loards as they know that she would lay claim to a part of it, if not the whole of it. In 1808, Bahu Begum executed a will, making the British rulers de-facto as heir of the residue of her property, after reserving for her own purposes certain jagirs, pensions etc., but the British declared their intention of yielding the inheritance to the Nawab Vizir of Avadh, Saadat Ali Khan. In 1823 Bahu Begam revoked her will and executed a “deed of deposit making the then Nawab Vizir, Ghazi-ud-din. Haider, her hair. On her death in 1815, property value at about a crore of rupees was made over to the Nawab on his paying into the Company’s treasury about 57 lakhs of rupees the interest on the latter being earmarked (under the terms of the deed) for the payment of certain pensions. Thee pensions are now known as the amanat wasikas (trust pensions). There were certain other Jagirs and Pensions knows as the Zamanat Wasikas (Security Pensions) payable form the Aavadh treasury. But in the case of diminution or resumpation of the Avadh Exchequer, the amount was to be made good from the residue of the Begums property with the consent of the English overlords. Bahu Begums property with the consent of the English overloards. Bahu Begum was 80 when she died. She passed the whole of her long life in splendour and state of well-being and was a woman of her long life in splendor in and state and was a woman of great distinction and rank, bearing and dignity. As Hoey has observed in his Memoirs”, no one woman in all the thirty-two Subahs can be held up in thee days as he rival in either the grandeur of her surroundings or the respect she could command. When at the zenith of her glory, she had ten thousand troops, horse and foot, scores of elephants and countless horses. The people who earned their bread directly or indirectly through her bounty must have been more than a hundred thousand and all felt as happy and secure as though they were in a mother’s arms. Shuja-ud-daula owed much to this remarkable woman. She was an Iranian lady and he married her in 1743, contrary to his own inclinations but in obedience to the will of the Emperor Muhammad Shah. This marriage proved unhappy for many years but an incident testifying to her generosity and affection called forth his gratitude and established her unalterably in his confidence. After his defeat at Buxor he had to pay a war indemnity of 50 lakhs of rupees and, failing to obtain money from his mother, it is said that he turned to his wife, who handed over to him her money, jewels and valuables. Most of the Muslim buildings of Faizabad and the Fort near the bridge of boats (formerly known as Chhotaa Calcutta) are attributed to her. From the date of Bahu Begum’ death in 1815 AD till the annexation of Avadh, the city of Faizabad gradually fell into decay.
In 1855 a serious conflict broke-out between the Vairagis and the Muslims at the site of Hanumangarhi in Ayodhya, both claiming it to be place of worship connected with their respective religions. King Wazid Ali Shah is said to have appointed a committee to investigate this matter which held a public meeting in Gulab Bari. It appears that among those assembled no one testified to the existence of the mosque. Therefore the committee unanimously decided the issue in favour of the Vairagis. When the report of the committee reached Lucknow, it caused a sensation among the Muslims. A Council of Action was formed of which Maulvi Amir Ali of Amethi ws elected leader. He was staying at Suhali and succeeded in attracting a large number of followers. On learning this the Vairagis started arrangements for the defence of the place. Wazid Ali Shah them ordered a regiment to guard it. At last on November 7, 1855, Maulvi Amir Ali started for Rudauli with his followers. On refusing to retrace his steps when ordered to do so by Captain Barlow, a fight ensued in which he and most of his followers were killed.
“The Annexation of Avah and the struggle of 1857” :
In February, 1856, Avadh was annexed by the British Government and Faizabad made the headquarters of a district and a division, a former extending as far South as the Gomti. Tahsil and police stations were established and summary settlement of land revenue was underataken. Summing up the revenue measures undertaken in Faizabad during the summary settlement, Henry Lawrence, in his letter dated April 18, 1857, wrote. “The Taluqadars have, I fear, been hardly dealt with, atleast, in the Faizabad Division, some have lost all.” Demolition of forts and other hasty legislations caused a general affray as early as August 26, 1856 wrote to George Cooper, Secretary to the Chief Commissioner”. These contumacies have been committed in the Fyzabad Division only. But it not a light thing that our authority has been in a measure so repeatedly defied and acts of lawless violence that have been brought to light, have occurred in the same quarter of this province which convince me of the necessity of adopting some early measures to display our power, and prove to the proud Barons in Sultanpur, and Fyzabad, that our authority is not to be set at nought with impunity. I regret to state that the omissions of the local authorities in the Fyzabad Division compel me to represent that proper measures to repress turbulence, and a rebellious spirit have not been adopted.
It was in these circumstances that Maulvi Ahmad Ullah Shah, who had been expelled from Lucknow, reached Faizabad in January 1857, where he appeared to have gained considerable popularity. On February 16th at sunset, Lieutenant Thurburn (the special assistant in charge of the city) was informed by the ‘Kotwal’ that a Fakir with his followers was in the ‘Serai’ of the town, that crowds were visiting him and that there was an evident intention on the part of the Fakir to start a riot and cause dissension among the people. Thurburn immediately set our for the scene of disturbance accompanied by the ‘Kotwal’ and four or five burkundazes (matchlockmen) and ordered the Maulvi and his followers to surrender their arms assuring him that the arms would be returned if he departed from the city. The fakir retorted that he could not and would not give up his arms as he had received them from the pir (spiritual guide). Neither could Forbes, the Deputy Commissioner, who visited him on February 17, persuade his to surrender – Military and was summoned but though the Maulvi and his followers fought desperately they were arrested and placed under military guard. The Indian sepoys, however, had full sympathy with him and he was provided with all comforts in the Jail”.
At the end of May, 1857, the Garrison of Faizabad consisted of a large force of Indian troops comprising the 22nd Bengal Infantry under Colonel Lennox, the 6th Oudh Irregular Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel O Brien, a squadron of the 15th Irregular Cavalry, a battery of horse artillery under Major Mills and a Company of the 7th Bengal Artillery. The European Officers were under no delusions as to the probability of the outbreak, and preparations were made in May to organize a scheme of defense by collecting stores and fortifying the house of Thurburn, the Assistant Commissioner. The British expected that the Zamindars and pensioners would lend their assistance to them and this belief was encouraged by the offer of an asylum by Raja Man Singh, Thakur Raghunath Kunwar, Mir Dawar Hussain and Nadir Shah. Similar offer was made by the ‘Mahants’ of Hanumangarhi, who from the first exerted themselves to keep their troops ready. But the British soon found that the assistance of the Zamindars was not to be relied upon as they were unfit to resist the disciplined and well equipped Avadh forces. In these circumstances the British tried to send their families to Lucknow but when this proved impossible, owing to the uprising in Daryabad district, they were sent to Shahaganj at the beginning of June where Raja Man Singh gave them shelter.
Meanwhile the Sepoys had already reached Faizabad from Azamgarh, Jaunpur and Varanasi. They are said to have received a message from the King of Delhi to the effect that he had possession of the whole country and summoning them to rally round his standard. The Sepoys contented that they were strong enough to turn the British out of the country and intended to do so and the 15th Irregular Cavalry left no means untried to induce the other regiments to kill their officers. The open struggle against the British commenced form the night of June 8. However some Sepoys of the Artillery (the 22nd Native Infantry and the 6th Irregular Infantry) refused to injure the Europeans and even gave them money and assisted them in procuring a few boats to proceed down the Ghagra”.
They first plundered the treasury of nearly two and quarter lakhs of rupees and then followed the usual practice of realizing the prisoners form Jail, one of whom was Maulvi Ahmad Ullah Shah who came to be known as Maulvi of Faizabad. The main leaders were the resalders of the 5th Trooops 15th Irregular Cavalry and Daleep Singh, Subedar of the 22nd Infantry, a Chauhan Rajput of Baragaon in the Faizabad district. They selected the Maulvi as their leader and marched towards Lucknow, the Government of Faizabad being entrusted to Raja Man Singh. A battle was fought off Chinhat where the British forces were completely routed.
The sepoys held sway in the town of Faizabad and the local Chieftains and talukadars found themselves in a state of practical independence, particularly Man Singh, who forthwith recovered his lost possessions ad resumed his former position of importance. His attitude was doubtful and he tried to be friendly with both sides.
Other Talukadars, almost without exception, espoused the cause of the Sepoys. This was notably the case with the Palwars of Birhar, the Bachhgotis of Hasanpur, Ram Sarup of Khapradeeh, Taffazzul Husain of Sammanpur and the Bhale Sultans. The only exception was Raja Rustam. Rustam Sah, the Rajkumar Chieftains of dera. The others notably the Chauhans, whose stronghold was the fort of Ghatampur near Baragaon, joined actively against the British. The Naurahi, the European fugitives from Faizabad were robbed by Udit Narain Singh the eldest son of Mahip Narain of Chandipur. Further down the river at Chahora they were again stopped by Madho Prasad Singh of Haswar, who afterwards took up arms against the British.
The Talukadars of Faizabad, like those of other places, extended their full support to the Avadh durbar, from its very establishment to the final restoration of British Authority in Avadh and some of them even took the field in person.
Man Singh reached Luknow in August 1857, and the terms offered by him to the Avadh durbar were accepted. His matchlochmen were not active in the attack on the Residency where he tenaciously resisted the on-slaught of General Neill who was killed in the encounter. Man Singh himself being wounded in two places.
Mahdi Husain was appointed Nazim of Sultanpur by the Avadh durbar and he appointed Tahsildars and Sazawals in the territories under him. Saiyid Ghulam Husain was appointed Chakledar of Aldemau. Ismail Khan was his deputy. From Shahazadpur the latter planned attacks on the neighbouring estern district which was supported by may Talukadars, including the Rajkumars Amresh Singh and Chandresh Singh (under the leadership of Madho Prasad and Kisan Prasad) who espoused the caluse of the Avadh durbar. A large umber of villagers were also most zealous in their support. In the first week of October, 1857, an attack on Jaunpur was planned bny Mehdi Husain who raised 12000 new troops which were joined by many villagers. Meanwhile orders were received from the Avadh durbar that as soon as Jai Lal Singh son of Ghalib Jang, Nazib of Azamgarh and Jaunpur reached Faizabad, the Sultanpur and Gorakhpur nazims were also to join him in an attack on Azamgarh and Jaunpur. Mansab Ali of Sarai Mir (Distt. Azmgarh) who was appointed commandant of the regiment,reached Kataria with Beni Madho of Atrauli and a large force. A workshop was also established at Firozabad to repair heavy guns. A number of important centers were thus established throughout Faizabad by the forces of Avadh durbar.
Faizabad remained completely independent till the end of January 1858. but Maharana Jang Bahadur of Nepal, an ally of the British, having occupied Gorakhpur on January 6, 1858, with his forces marched towards Faizabad on February 14 and reached Berari on the Ghagrah in the Basti district. Five days later General Rowcroft, who had come up the river from Bihar with the Pearl Naval Brigade, some Nepales troops and four guns, arrived within four miles of Berari on the 19th and the next day he was joined by a Nepalses brigade. He was then ordered to bring up his boats to Phulpur (near Tanda), and hearing that this places was occupied by the forces of the Avadh durbar, he attacked them and captured three of their guns. Thus Jang Bahadur was able to cross into Avadh, leaving Rowcroft in command at Gorakhpur. Two days prior to Rowcroft’s arrival at Berari, Captain Sotheby, who was escorting the boats up the river, had captured the well protected Palwar stronghold of Chandipur in the extreme east of the district, this being the first military action that took place in Faizabad since the outbreak of the struggle. Maharaja Jung Bahadur marched from Phulpur towards Sultanpur through the district, storming the small but strong fort of Bihrozpur (near Akbarpur) which was bravely held by 34 men of Umresh Singh who were all killed. Thus the British secured the road as far as the Gomti and Rowcroft, who remained to the North of the Ghagra, advanced as far west as Amarha (in Basti) only eight miles from Ayodhya.
Man Singh actually retired to Shahganj in February 1858. he continued to negotiate with the Avadh Durbar, but he was required by them to support their cause personally. He could therefore, no longer afford to play a dual role and on March 10, 1858, he tendered his submission to the British and was allowed to return home on agreeing that he would report to them at Lucknow within ten days.” However, before he could proceed he was besieged by the Avadh forces in his fort at Shahganj. Strong and vigilant pickets were established by he Avadh forces on the river Ghaghra, opposite Ayodhya. Though Rowcroft remained at Amarha, the Avadh forces began to muster their strength in their camp at Behra. The eastern part of the Faizabad district was entirely under the influence of Palwars and of Kunwar Singh of Bihar, who was approaching with volunteers from eastern region of Varanasi, Ghazipur, Ballia, Buxor and Rohtas districts and from Pargana Katehar many young and old Raghuvanshy settlers of Ayodhya, notably from the first family of Katehar’s Sees Chand, his descendant Jaipal Singh, along with a cousin from Chhayee patti (whose names later, were deleted conspicuously by their sons and grand -sons at the time of the revenue settlement records of 1883-84 and different names were substituted in order to avoid confiscation of Zamindari rights from their children). And in all records, including the Gaya’s pandas records by their grand sons the people performing pind-dan to their ancestors subterfuge by, giving their great-grandfather’s name instead of usually the grand fathers and father’s names, while identifying themselves) on March 29, 1858. Lugaard left Lucknow for Azamgarh by way of Sultanpur and Kunwar singh had to retire, leading the untrained Rajput volunteers of eastern districts, southwards in the direction of Ghazipur. This, however, did not weaken the position of the Avadh forces in Faizabad and Rowcroft was thrown back from Amroha and had to withdraw to Captainganj.
After the battle of Nawabganj in June, 1858, Hope Grant proceeded to the relief of Man Singh who was still besieged in his fort by a Strong Avadh force of about 20,000 people. By the end of July the Avadh forces abandoned the siege and left Shahganj. They divided themselves into three parties, one joined Begam Hazrat Mahal in Gonda, another went to Sultanpur and the third to Tanda, Tanda, Jalalpur and Akbarpur continued to remain the strong center of Avadh forces. On October 11, Hope Grant marched from Lucknow and proceeded towards Tanda and three days later he reached Akbarpur. On the same day Colonel Simson and Major Raikes reached Jalalpur. Cononel Payne reached Silka and Man Singh Bhadesa. The British forces held the line from Sultanpur (through Pratapgarh) to Allahabad and also from Sultanpur north to Faizabad to prevent the Avadh forces from entering the Sultanpur-Faizabad line into the Azamgarh district. Campbell began his operations by strengthening the Sultanpur position and detached Hope Grant, so that he could co-operate with a column advancing under Kelly from Azamgarh into Faizabad. Kelly was able to secure Akbarpur then Tanda, where he halted on October 30, to guard Combell’s eastward flank during the ensuring operations. Raikers came upon some 4000 Avadh forces in the act of crossing the Tons river, but they retired into a jungle and their chief (Fazl-i-Ali) was able to escape without being captured. Hope Grant returned to Sultanpur on October 23. Kelly was left incharge of Faizabad and was made responsible for the territory between Tanda and Sultanpur”. On the other flanks also, the British were making headway.
After Beni Modho’s escape from the fort of Shankarpur, his troop were driven northwards across the Ghagra though the West of these districts. Hope Grant followed in pursuit and reached Faizabad where 4300 men were collected under Colonel Taylor. The Avadh forces were entrenched beyond the Ghagra. The British effected the crossing on November 27, by a bridge constructed under long-range fire by Captain Nicholson and drove their opponents in Gonda”. On December 5 Campbell started from Lucknow with a very strong infantry divison, a cavalry brigade and some 14 guns en route to Faizabad by way of Nawabganj (Barabanki). Gradually by the end of the month, the entire district submitted to the superior military of the British.
Continuing in Book V
Along with the circumstances and compulsions of Jaipal Singh to join in the conflict of 1857, and why the same was kept as a secret by his grand- son till he himself died on 6th December 1944 at the age of 105 years.
The same is described in outlines in the website called :
www.amartyramongpwwbks.com
and may have to wait publication,till the time of the second edition of the book,owing to the manuscript being misplaced in Varanasi or Kaithi
libraries of Sees Chand Mansion and R.M.House,which is regretted by the author.
Similarly,the 1840 Sazra of the 1st House of Katehar in Xerox also has to be included in the next edition,after confirmation from the large household members,now in the 22nd generation,as to their wishes of doing so,as it could ,easily create some controversies as regards the shares in Kaithi-khewat.
Penned down the above paras while correcting the book for printing/publication,this day on 30th of April,2009,in Kharghar,Navi-Mumbai-410210,by the author,S.P.Singh,Chartered Engineer(London),Marine Chief Engineer,1st Class(combine)
The story of Sees Chand Mansion and of Plebeians who would be Kings
The Hindu nationalists consider the 1857 mutiny or insurgency as the first war for freedom, although every mutinous sepoy from Meerut in May 1857 or 1,39,000 minus only 7796 sepoys of the largest modern Army in Asia, the Bengal Army joined by the entire population, as the inspiration touched a popular crescendo, declared Bhadhur Shah Zafar, the last Moguls emperor as their leader, and emperor. Zafar was powerless to resist being made the leader. Leader of an army of unpaid peasantry and officer less and haphazard soldiers. And while Hindus regard their martyrs who died for the idea of freedom from the foreign yoke, but in and around Delhi it was more of religion, looked upon as a defensive act of rebellion against the work of missionaries of Christianity as well as a generalized fight against foreign domination and the move of the company (E.I.C.) to impose Christian laws in India. The sepoys declared before the emperor on 11th may 1857 we have joined hands to protect our religion and our faith in chandni chowk they asked, Brothers ;are you with those of the faith?. “During the uprising, it is note worthy, the British who had converted to Islam were not molested; but Indians converted to Christianity were mowed- down, being referred to as ‘Kafirs’ (Infidels) and ‘Nasrani’ (Christians). “Although the great majority of sepoys were Hindus, in Delhi a flag of jihad was raised in the principal mosque” and the insurgents were often found calling themselves mujahideen, ghazis and jihadies. And after the initial bravado of the seize when majority had departed from the scene being hungry and getting despised, the remainder were out and out jihadis , including a regiment of “Suicide ghazis” from gwalior who had vowed never to eat again and to fight until they met death- “ for those who have come to die have no need for food “. Closing of urdu madras by the British was one of their grievance. What the news work of Willian Dalrymple’s stories contain shows the Rising of 1857, is a chain of human event, dramatic, arbitrary, accidental and tragic to resurrect the ordinary individuals whose fate is caught up by chance in one of the great up heavals of history. It is through the story of the successes and struggles of the individuals that can bridge the chasm of the time and understanding separating us from the remarkably different world of our ancestors of six to seven generations ago. Duncan ha finished the permanent settlement in Banaras on the lines of Bengal and given the lease to Babu Shivratan Singh of the house of Sees Chand of Katehar in Kaithi and peaceful by any contemporary standards in the villages, the pargana and in the 1st House of Raghuvanshies of Katehar. With ‘Amils’ melting away and officials in the forms of ‘Qanungos’ directly under the ‘Collector’ taking- over, the struggle against the wily Raja was over, So it was time to put more and more of ‘Deeh’ and ‘Damar’ and untilled portions of 2292 Bigha to put under cultivation. Then why the only son of Shiv Ratan Singh of Aarrah to proceed towards Lucknow, by way of Azamgarh?. His father was already very old, or may be dead by then, as his three uncles were also very much junior to him, being contemporary of his son Ram Sunder Singh. There was no reason for a man of fifty-five or sixty to leave home and go fighting. Was there unrest at home/ was his spouse no more and the dowager princess Hansa kunwar, wife of his son, too dominating for his liking , to make an excuse for leaving home and joint the fighting forces. This is because of the fate of the 1st House of Raghuvanshies to be blessed by domineering head of the inner house- hold; like my own mother and grand mother. Hansa Kunwar was so domerineering that Babu Ganga Prasad Singh had to take her to courts for his share from her for partition of residential plot no 1328 in 1901.But she was surely no more by 1904, when her son Bharat Singh took up the cause of appeal to the case. Having given birth to Bharat Singh who died at 110 in 1944 or so, she must have been around 35 in 1857, when Jaipal Singh her father-in-law, went to join Kunwar Singh in the 1st war of independence. Kaithi was secluded from three sides by two rivers and connected by a dirt road to Varanasi, 27 kilometer and Ghazipur, 50 kilometer away and unless Janak Rai is Chet Singh of Katehar involved in the conspiracy collecting 34000 soldiers under Raja Chet Singh of Ramnagar, to abduct Warren Hastings, it was pretty far away from the turmoil’s and Chaos of polities of the day and even a word of the popular uprising of 1857 getting there was obscure. Then how did Jaipal Singh and his cousins from ‘Chhayee’ Patti got together to become unlikely martyrs of the uprising ?.
Perhaps the news of the uprising spread far too well by word of mouth, in the era of minimal mass communication, than what means are today, like we can not comprehend today. The suffocation of foreign domination of a different kind (Having different skin) was overwhelming and up to the neck. The stories told by my father’s cousins who was born in same house seemed wild and clueless when there was no commitment from us to the family and it’s history of any sort. But recently when visiting my widowed sister born in 1925 that is before the demolition of the old house of Sees Chand in 1932 or so, she related of the first floor and the attic of the old house and unknowingly confirmed what kaka had mentioned for the occasion of rebuilding of the old house and efforts being made to collect the barrels of the muzzle- loading guns as many a twenty in the drain out- let of the court- yard of women’s quarter, where they were dumped for hiding after the mutiny was crushed or may he soon after the news of death of Jaipal Singh was heard or felt by the community on withdrawal of Babu Kunwar Singh and his return to Bihar with the story of his failure and sacrificing his wounded arm to mother Ganges at the ripe age of seventy.
On the death of her illustrious and famous husband at the age of 91, my sister was left alone in her Lucknow residence, everyone having gone to Sohna, expect myself to keep her company, began to reminisce about life in Kaithi and she was one of rarest persons, other than our only living aunt, to have seen and lived in perhaps the original version of the house of Sees Chand, although four hundred years then is too long for a Kachchi- “Bakhari” ( no not exactly a Haveli which would be a bit of high faluting description of the fairly large house of Sees Chand, as the income from 2292 Bighas of Kaithi was not matching to be able to build something akin to a grand ‘Haveli’of a prosperous Zamindar of Bengal in the literary works of the nineteenth century ) to have lasted without one or two more demolitions in between . Alas! No on kept a record neither did the great sage of the house- hold confide in anyone. He was very vocal and adamant against its demolition on the keen desire of Collector Moss and his deputy Ram Rup Singh. He must have been born in the particular version of the house of Sees Chand. Perhaps his father(who went away, leaving his family, for a cause of the survival of the family, by saving the landed property from the British raj) and his grand father the cause celebre’ of the hide and seek and speaking only half truths for a maha- yogi, who was claimed to have never spoken a lie in all his 110 years was also born in that house and he must have loved that missing-in- action grand father and his deeds that he kept under covers, the genealogical table of its true identity even from the cousins in the family. As Ram Rup Singh would always say “ We are the most prominent family of Katehar “ (not exactly knowing its meaning of what he has said in deeper sense) so Bharat Singh without the help of the G. table (kept in hiding with him) enforced his prominence through the force of his personality and grandeur and of course the ‘Karma’ as the best agriculturist in entire Katehar. And as per my eldest sister there were secrets in the at attic of that old Bakhari, th match- locks and the lazzims, where the children and women were not allowed to dwell. So.it must have been an object of anxiety for the grand old man as a to what to do with those artifacts of the past. Although as per my Kakaji , the solution came in as quickly to get rid of all those vulnerable things to the security of the family, and to the newly found status of the family house of a brilliant and titled Civil Servant of the British raj, by simply dumping it overnight in a deep well on the “Kot ” of the earlier settlers the famous Seories (who had given the rightful possession to Sees Chand and his two brother to settle in lieu of their non agriculture settlement without any sanction from Raja Banar of the Gaharwars)across the road from the house of Sees Chand so well placed for dumping activities in the dark of the night. This came as a well founded confirmation from the horses mouth as the phrase goes of the stories of the match-locks and muzzle-loaders of the brotherhood of Raghuvanshies of Katehar by the agents of Johnathan Duncan , the British Agent sent for permanent settlement by Governor General in Council (They were willing and anxious to maintain the corporate nature of their zamindari over Katehar and not in the form of individual leases of land under the individual cultivation or occupancy ). Those were the ancient arms and armaments which was counted by Aiene Akhari as maintaining 500 horses and 4000 foot- soldiers by the Raghuvanshies of Katehar (Rajputs) and 1932 saw the end to all that talk of what was Ayodhya and its Sun- Dyansty and of Doman Deo and the pristine glory of Katehar, where the mighty Suri King Sher Shah served for fifteen years (1501-1515) in the stable of Doman Deo to submission and acceptance of global civility and service to the rulers, British or world- wide administrative or economic in nature.
Had it not been for the alluvial action of the river Gomati on 07.09.1980, throwing away our 626.04 acres of riverine and prime agricultural holding across the Gomati in one single stroke 0f the meandering river to straighten her knot and confirm to the total length of the meander of her travel, which was upset in the previous year in Jaunpur and had increase by two to three kilometers in total lenth of the meander of river Gomati. This was corrected in one single stroke of the gorging river on 07.09.80 by breaking the narrowest strip of the land across the ‘Sihore’ Khan in the alluvial area of Kaithi, simply leaving aside two kilometers of her stream from that point to the old confluence near village Patna and our non revenue (Na- Chiragi Mauza)village ‘NAKHANWA’, with the Ganges which created a great hue and cry in the press on the statement of Collector Subodh Nath Jha of Ghazipur district, calling this a justice of nature, that the old injustice of 1840 was corrected, when about 500 acres of villages Kusanhi and Kharauna had accrued to village Kaithi ( under the alluvial and dilluvial regulation 11 of the Bengal Alluvial regulation Act of 1911). When he said he knew this would happen, Then Thakur Ram Rup Singh asked him whether this was in his horoscope as well.? Then when he further asked Thakur Ram Rup Singh to give it away to him(i.e. to his district) the reply came that Jha being from Mhithila (the birthplace of Sita- Ram’s consort )and we being the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya, the giving should be on his part , that is on the part of Jha and certainly not from Ram Rup Singh a Raghuvanhies. Come to think of it 1840 was the year when Ram Sunder Singh must have been twenty five years old (see the table of Sees Chand’s descendants, counting backward from Ram Rup Singh being twenty five years old in 1925) and Jaipal Singh 50yeaqrs old, when the Gomati was made to shift by the order of the Kina Ram Baaba of Ramgarh (Saying “Gomati Go back –Gomati peechhe hat’’)and a few hundered acres of alluvial land had accrued to Jaipal Singh and Ram Sunder Singh – including 17+8.5 lathas of mazkoor tari and was recorded in the name of Ram Sunder Singh in 1840 and as zamindar in1882-83 quinquennial settlement of village Kaithi of Katehar pargana. So Mr Jha referred to that as a natural injustice to the district of his charge a hundred and forty years ago, when he spoke immediately after the cataclysm of 07.09.80 to the press and wrote to the Government also. And there on it become a question of one-upmanship between S.P Singh of Kaithi and SriS.N Jha of the I.A.S. erstwhile Collector Ghazipur, more of which in “Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial ‘Mahal’ of Kaithi ,” coming out simultaneously after this narration but as I said in the beginning of the para had it not been for the alluvial action of river Gomati, that I would have taken such great interest of the permanent settlement of Jonathan Duncan and the five hundred years old settlement of the Raghuvanshies and my deep interest in the story of the house of Sees Chand, where I too was born.
So back to Jaipal Singh in 1840. The landed gentry of the first house of Katehar had become richer by another thousand acres of reverine land and obviously higher placed zamindars and small rajas came forward to offer their daughters to the of young Raghuvanshies of Katehar’s prime & pristine village. And Jaipal Singh’s son was married to the dowager princess Hansa Kunwar, the prime mover or the Karta woman (Sita & Draupadi are mentioned as Karta women of Ramayana and ‘Mahabharat’ episodes) who, I seem convinced was the cause of Jaipal Singh leaving the house of Sees Chand at the ripe old age of 57, in order to join Veer Senani Kunwar Singh of Aarrah in their own revolt of 1857, gaining ground upto Azamgarh before their hasty retreat, owing to reinforcement of the British from Lawrence and Faizabad / Lucknow one has to go very deeply and in the minute details as regards as to what happened in precise order with exact dates and things of reinforcement, attacks, counter-attacks withdrawals retreats and annihilation and complete routs. I surely place confidence in the coming generation of the Raghuvanshies to rake-up details of Kunwar Singh command and find mention of men like Jaipal Singh of the Raghuvanshees who volunteered to take up arms against the British in 1857, and change the lives of his son / forced to leave house before the next (1882-83) settlement and for his grandson, the Sage-like Bharat Singh to hide the G. Table of first house of Katehar, in order to Safe-guard the service of his Civilian grand son.) Here I am only too happy to have reinforced the 1857 martydom of my direct ancestor in an ICHR paper read by me 25 years ago. Perhaps Jaipal Singh was looking for an identity for himself and for the House of Sees Chand where he was born and had spent many years of his life, incognito and in obscure wilderness, and to be of the ruling dynasty of Ayodhya ,no less. He had an opportunity to be different, which could also, perhaps, provide a distinct identity to the first house of Katehar, something akin to Sees Chand’s cousin Doman Deo, who had Sher Shah as a servant in his stable. This then was the great chance that the providence had offered. Beside it was also a chance to escape the domineering and perhaps even a haggling daughter-in-law Hansa Kunwar but perhaps only, just and marginally so. He was surely a hero’s material inside, who would come out of the realm of the ordinary, but alas for the same forsake a sage like son and grand son who decided to cross the centuries of their own lives and put under wraps the deed of heroism of their immediate ancestor for the sake of their own survival. What was undone by both Ram Sunder Singh and Bharat Singh to the heroic act of Jaipal Singh should be brought out of hiding and declared as a glorious chapter of the first House of Katehar and another unknown and unsung chapter of the 1st Struggle of Independence,beginning in May 1857.
The uprising, otherwise ended the debauchery and corrupt rule of the John company and the Queen of England became the Empress of India. The Brits there so overjoyed that they gave the siege of the Lucknow Residency a Status higher than the Battle of Waterloo (1815). The ruins of the Residency were allowed to fly the union Jack for 24 Hrs.( and not only from dawn to dusk ) till the Independence Day in 1947.
There were disciplined and responsible people who rebelled thinking very reasonably that the ways of the British was wholly wrong. Take for example the case of Mangal Pandey who merely sought redressal of the grievances of the sepoys by the East India Company and also some dignity to his self respect by his employers. His action was to seek publicity of the importance of the Indian Sepoy’s; who would just carry-on giving in to the wild ways of haughty superiority of the white skin. The Sepoy’s were caught in a desperate situation and Mangal Pandey was there voice against tyranny. There were similar instance in Meerut & Kanpur , there was total mistrust between the whites and the blacks. Tensions were rising by the hour and only the smartest General could use diplomatic and two-talking emissaries to keep the Sepoy’s calm. There was the case of abuse of justice which provoked a situation like a drunken officers (Christie) taking a pot-short on an Indian Cavalryman and being released for being drunk. That set the Sepoy’s rise in the revolt, soon after the verdict on Christie. Then the case of British’s hiding from attackers being found-out and of the verge of being massacred asking for truce to reach Allahabad Fort by the boats. But their grand style of transfer from the hiding place to the river, including arms and ammunition, treasure and all there personal effects carried on elephants, horses and camels and in palanquins. To the Indian’s this was too much and was like rubbing salt in their hurt in hearts and wounds on their bodies. The rebels took hold of the boats and as the boat man jumped-off to swim away ashore the Brits opened- fire inviting the rebels to Counter to end the sordid story of the survivors because of the fool-hardy shooting action of their own trigger happy soldiers and dud-officers ,unable to contain them in time .
There are almirahs full of evidence in Archives all over the Country, but it was ignored and even suppressed as in the case of Jaipal Singh of the 1st House of Katehar which was kept under cover by his own grand-son, the Mahayogi Bharat Singh between 1857 and 6th December 1944 (when he died with the secret buried in his heart). But generally there was no cause- celebre for keeping the stories under the wraps or not investigated, like the 1857 account by a learned intellectual an Indian ‘Aalin’ who suffered at the hands of the British Barbarians in the Celluar Jail of Andamans and the stories upon stories are related in short but absorbing “Light and Sound” show every evening. Suffering of the ‘Aalin’ was written on scraps of paper by Charcoal (for ink) and cleverly smuggled-out from the jail to await India’s independence for translation from original Arabic to Urdu. But not much credence was given to the first hand account of the torture and Cruelty in the Cellular jails. 2007 perhaps is the right time to give it proper reorganization. After all why was there a revolt against the British and men like Jaipal Singh scion of the highly respected first family of Raghuvanshies of Katehar, generally well-off and properly settled since 1485 (or so) in the same village, had to leave home and revolt against the British rule by proxy (the John company (EIC)) ruling in the name of Great Britain (till 1958). There are many accounts from the Victorians British but very few from the Indians who really lost their hearts also in the bargain and just kept num thereafter.
Maulana Fazhu Hug Khairahadi writes in ‘India Rises in Revolt’ this agonizing story is caused by British hearts becoming full of hatred and rancour against the Indian’s whose land they had subjugated but whose pride they had been unable to crush. They look for the ways to humiliate Indians so that there would never be any question of any head being raised in dissent or disagreement.
All inhabitants of India whether rich or poor, high or low, wanderers or citizens, urban or local were to be converted to Christianity because they (the British) thought that Indians would get no support and could be forced to become subservient and obey all commands.
“Once Indians abjured their religions and converted to the faith of their British rulers, they would loose all differences of rank and station amongst themselves and be equally subservient towards the rulers and never disobey any command”.
“All kind of deceit and tricks were used by the British to achieve this end of subverting local religions and promoting the spread of Christianity schools were established in cities and rural areas for children’s and the ignorant where their own (English) languages, culture and religion were promoted and traditional Indian learning scoffed at and derided. All traditional institution for learning were ignored for grants and attempts made to wipe them out.
The second trick was to cut off the links between the cultivator of food grains and the consumer. All food grain was bought from the producer for cash. The cultivator had no control over either distribution or prices. All were thus at the mercy of the British for even food and had to submit to their will if they wanted to continue to live.
Many other tricks were tried to rupture the links people had with their traditions. Muslim were dissuaded from continuing the practice of male circumcision and respectable women’s were persuaded to give up the veil.
The British decided by a beginning they made with converting the Indian soldiers serving under their flag. These Sepoy’s , Sipaahees or soldiers, were largely Hindu, Muslim were fewer in number. The British thought that once the brave soldiers abjured their religion and become Christian their standing in their respective communities and the fear and awe they would inspire would make the rest weakly follow suit. They try to make all Hindu soldiers taste a fat of cow and Muslim soldiers taste the fat of pig.
“This dastardly act caused frenzied reaction in the soldiers. They refused to obey their officers. Some went on a rampage and killed their Commanders. A few went to the extent of slaughtering women and children to earn the condemnation of all. This has analyzed the cause to some extent in cities of Delhi, Lucknow, Bareilly and Sahjahanabad and the smallest towns to deep lying villages between Lucknow and Patna wore the brunt of arson and pillage not different than before since the return of the militia.
It began in 1757
A bad time in the history of the great country (what I used to call as “Haven half-done” in reply to the British para-phrasing of their “glorious country”) actually began with Robert Clive a clerk in the John company getting the better of Sirajuddowlah at Plassey because of the betrayal of Diwan Raja Durlabhram Bose-son who offered to mitigate Mir Bakhshi Mir Jaafar (the army commander and pay-master) Murshidahad. Consequently, actually three out of four division of the Army of Sirajuddowlah did not partake in the battle of Plassey. Only Mir Madan leading the cavalry wing fought. He personally led the charge on the artillery of the East India Company and was woefully dead by a cannon-ball, when on the verge of victory ending the glory and riches of Bengal turning into an epithet of poverty.
Mir Madan died on June 23rd 1757 at Palashee or Plassey and his grave was recently visited by the west Bengal Governor Sri Gopal Gandhi who asked the ASI for better maintenance. Should not the Government of India and Ms. Ambika Soni support the State Government in creating a suitable memorial to the General?
The British are doing it for John Nicholson killed in September 1857 in Shahajahanabad to visit the site in India. I have offered to Ms. Ambika Soni to provide basic facilities for interested people to visit the house of Sees Chand in Kaithi, Katehar, Varanasi (where the great martyr of 1857 Jaipal Singh was born and lived his fifty-seven years before leaving to fight alongside Kunwar Singh in Azamgarh) for those coming to Varanasi in the year 2007 and 2008; being the 150th anniversary of the 1857-uprising.
And continued in 1806
It was May, the month of May 1806 when the Vellore uprising against the British took place. The revolt was of several battalion of the Madras Army of John Company. There was a general protest against introducing a new type of leather hat and also an order prohibiting use of cast-marks by soldiers which was an article of faith in one’s religion. When the rebellion was put down 350 Indian troops were mowed-down. It took another half century to perpetuate unashamed looting and shaming of Begum Hazarat Mahal by Warren Hasting and demand of royalty and unprincipled enhancement of cess on faithfull allies like Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh that the people of North India realized to the rapacious reality of the presence of the British and the great Indian uprising started on May 10th, 1857.
Babu Kunwar Singh – Tegva Bahadur
APRIL 23rd-Victory-day of KUNWAR SINGH
JAIPAL SINGH from the House of SEES CHAND in Kaithi, Katehar, joins company of,
Babu Kunwar Singh – Tegva Bahadur.
23rd April is celebrated in parts of Bihar as the victory day of Kunwar Singh, who is a living legend in the folk-lores and folk songs in large rural belts of east U.P. and Bihar. His area of influence was not limited to Arrah only, but was far and wide and had the effect of “terrorizing” the British East India Company upto Kanpur. There is no official document on his movements and marching of his forces, as the British were demoralized by his sudden charges in most unlikely places. Many brave hearts joined him wherever he passed-by forever swelling his armed-forces of untrained masses, all the time,with the passage of time. He was ably and just as bravely assisted by his younger brother Amar Singh, and consequently the command of forces, looking for an occasion to punish the white invaders, came in Amar Singh’s hands after the death of Kunwar Singh in April 1858.Amar Singh, thereafter adopted the tactics of guerilla warfare against the well-organised Company’s troops.
How Kunwar Singh joined the rebellions is not quite clear and neither has there been enough research on the original and the documentary evidence on the archives of the EIC, the East India Company’s officials of the sub-divisions ,and in the district head-quarters and at the Divisional Commissioner’s records of that time. Nishan Singh’s evidence, recorded much later, can be described as close to truth, but not as total and complete in itself.
Kunwar Singh may have joined the rebellious soldiers of Danapur Cantonment, an important military establishment near Patna, after 25th July 1857,who were in need of a leader and Kunwar Singh’s liaison with them resulted in turning the trained and uniformed soldiers westwards and have a rendezvous with Kunwar Singh in the night of 26th/27th July,1857.There had been an under-current of simmering discontent in Bihar for sometime, now and the British taxation of revenue-rents and cess on both the landed-gentry and the ryotts were harsh and back-breaking. Both classes had become bankrupt and financially ruined to turn sour against the white-skinned self-appointed adjudicators and administrators of the local problems, as well as over-lording the populace with further harsh measures, bringing about further financial stringencies, to them.
During such scenes of hardships, Babu Kunwar Singh’s pow-wow with a nasty british divisional commissioner exacting a severe and further back-breaking cess imposed locally by the Commissioner, without the usual consent of the Board of Revenue at Calcutta and passage of the enhancement orders through the council of the Governor-General for final consent and Order of the same, before being implemented on ryotts, became the proverbial last straw on Babu Kunwar Singh’s conscience against tolerating any further the whole lot of corrupt East India Company’s officials from the Governor-General on the top to the young sub-divisional magistrates, locally. And a battle ensued as a last resort against tyranny of the white intruders from both the zamindars and the peasantry alike as a cohesive force, otherwise always at daggers drawn.
This conflict presented Kunwar Singh, the seventy years old zamindar an occasion to express his own resentments against the Commissioner with judicious leadership to all and a personal spirit of a fierce freedom fighter, always leading the forces under his command, bravely and astutely like a trained soldier, moving to every corner of the skirmishes of his men and appear in a spot suddenly as a surprise element to fox the trained soldiers under the British.The gathering of unlikely fighting forces fought so well that of the four hundred strong force under Capt. Danbar starting from Arrah on 29th July,1857,only fifty could escape annihilation. Divisional Commissioner Taylor, in Patna was quite aghast, and it was arranged to call Artillery Commander Vincent Ayyar, stationed at Buxor to Arrah. So the tides turned and by 2nd/3rd August, Kunwar Singh had lost the battle of Beebiganj and Arrah, eventually fell in the hands of the Company. The Europeans in the custody of Kunwar Singh remained unmolested and unharmed and for which Babu kunwar Singh earned much praise from the British.
After loosing at Beebiganj, Kunwar Singh retreated to Jagdishpur, his ancestral home-town. All the while he was hotly persued by Vincent Ayyar where they clashed once more, in August itself and Kunwar Singh was defeated again. He had to leave Jagdishpur to take shelter in the foothills of Rohtas, Instead of bending down to superior forces or the old age of his own. He was not yet a spent force and had some more fight left in him. He planned to proceed to central India, leaving a strong contingent under his younger brother, Amar Singh.
At this stage there are varying views on Kunwar Singh’s expeditionary forces traveling outside Bihar. S.N.Sen thinks he proceeded to Mirzapur on leaving Rohtas and parts of Rewa, which had recorded his presence, as threatening, to themselves. By and by, his comrades left him and he felt he could not take-on the Raja of Rewa (a British lackey) and decided to turn towards Banda, where he was given the offer to join forces with Nana Saheb or the Gwalior contingent. In fact,on invitations from both the freedom fighters, he was to partake in the Kanpur attack. If we go by the statements of Nishan Singh, Kunwar Singh did participate in Kanpur skirmishes and after the reverses of Tatya Tope in Kanpur, he did not join the Marathas (who left for Kalpi),but preferred to proceed to Lucknow. There he was welcomed by Wali who ordered him to proceed to Azamgarh. In Azamgarh, he had captured Azamgarh by March 1858. But tides were turning and the confidence of the British forces was now on the ascendancy,after the fall of Lucknow, Azamgarh, too, was soon recaptured by them.
Under the circumstances, Kunwar singh was left with no option, but to head for Bihar and while crossing the Ganges at Shivpur ghats(banks) a stray bullet fired by a british soldier hit his right arm. The brave old chief decided to give an offering to the mother Ganges and severed his wounded arm and gave it to the mother with due reverence. He was to come across stiff resistance in his last journey too. Legrand in-charge of Arrah Garrison attacked the wounded warrior, but lost badly and was killed on the 23rd of April,1858.Kunwar Singh recaptured his fiefdom of Jagdishpur and was hailed as the victorious chief of the first struggle for Independence and thus came about his end on the 24th of April 1858.Eversince,the 23rd of April is commemorated as the Victory-Day of
Kunwar Singh.
Historians seem to agree on one thing that Kunwar Singh was one such rebellion who did not wait for the british-led forces to attack, first, but took initiative on his own to pin-point the chink in the armour of the brits and there-on attack and annihilate the enemy. He was a leader who did not confine himself to known surroundings, but ventured-out and tasted victory gaining praise from the local commanders, while many others were too timid to leave their own back-yards. Britishers held him in an awe for these fighting qualities in him and the prowess acquitted by him in the 1857-uprising,till 24th of April 1858.The popular leader is immortalized in the folk-lores and folk-songs by the populace of that area even today. In one sonnet he is described as the master of the art of swordsmanship, in the following way.
Bangala pe udela abir ho lala, bangala pe udela abir,
Ho Babu,aho Babu Kunwar Singh Tegwa Bahadur,
Bangla pe udela abir.
While Kunwar Singh ventured outside Bihar, his younger brother Amar Singh carried on a war of attrition on the british bully, in power through various deceits. After the fall of Jagdishpur to General Ayer, Amar Singh hid himself in the Camoor hills and operated a guerilla war-fare with the enemy. He cut –off communication lines between Gaya and Sasaram. The peasantry had decided in favour of the rebels in the entire Sahabad district, which added greatly to the anxieties of the Commissioner in Patna. A bounty of Rs.2000/- was announced for the capture of Amar Singh. But least deterred by such announcements of the British, he challenged them further by cutting down the telegraph-line at Kudra on the G.T.Road on the 16th of September.
On demise of Kunwar Singh, on the 24th of April,1858,Amar Singh took charge of the command of the rebellious forces. Englishmen were much concerned about their dwindling fortunes after the disastrous end of Capt. Le-Grand. In May General Lugard arrived from Azamgarh and proceeded to completely destroy and demolish Jagdishpur and was planning to burn down the entire forestry surrounding Jagdishpur, but by then Amar Singh had brought enforcement from across the Ganges from Gahmar in Ghazipur, under the command of Maighar Singh of the Sakarwars, by June and once again Shahabad came under the rebellions control and the rebellion contingent started to govern the district with the help of Hare Krishna Singh. Bounties were announced on English officers and on the heads of the Britisher’s agent as well, and they were punished duly.
Leaving big places like Arrah, Ramgarh and Chausa, small police stations were threatened by the rebellions and their in-charges were fleeing from their posts. Divisions were renamed on villages names ,e.g.: Chauganyee and Karisath.The new commander of the British forces Douglas took charge in October 1858 and began the exercise of crushing the rebellions by seeking them out of their hidden places. This kept Amar Singh on the move continually, although he was to take over as the Commander-in –chief of the rebellious forces after Nana Saheb left for Nepal in October 1859,but the Rana of Nepal siding the British had him arrested in December and was lodged in the Gorakhpur jail where he succumbed to illness on the 5th of February 1860.There is a folk-lore about the two heroes of Jagdishpur, thus.-
Tab le Amar Singh bole ka, sun bhaiyya meri bat,
Baithal bhaiyya paan chabao, main angrej ko dekhunga.
The JAIPAL SINGH connection:
It is entirely a guess work, specially after the destruction of his recent records by the mischievous Chaubeys by throwing it in the Gomti, Banshi Kavi, our family bard had maintained a hush-hush all along these years, as did my great grand-father. But my Kaka and my eldest sister, now 85 ventured to relate some loose tales of about twenty muskets being found in the drainage system, in the inner court-yard of Sees Chand Mansion ‘s older version on being demolished at the behest of Ghazipur Collector Mr.Moss, in 1928 to give way to a pucca haveli in it’s place, after Thakur Ram Rup Singh had joined the Civil Services at Ghazipur under Moss. All the above paraphernalia including Lazims and jhals for soldierly exercises of the locals were dumped in the well that had existed since the times of earlier settlers, the seories. All this exercise was to cover-up any trace of rebellion from this village, as a gentleman from the first house (primus inter pares) had gone and joined the rebellious forces of Kunwar Singh and had perished there-by or may have even joined the brother, later-on. And, instead perished in the Gorakhpur jail having been intercepted by the forces of Rana Jung Bahadur of Nepal, come to Terai to help the British. This could be established on scrutiny of the papers of Nishan Singh’s statements about the movements of Kunwar Sing and the list of his associates and the entire regimentation of civilians. There was another Raghuvanshy brave from the Chhayee in the same village who had accompanied Jaipal Singh to leave the village for the same purpose, by name of Gurubaksh Singh. Someone has to take-on from here to establish the names of the two martyrs from Kaithi, Katehar. After a lapse of 125 years, I was able to establish the martyrdom of at least Jaipal Singh and read a paper in the 43rd History conference in 1982, through researches in Gaya’s Panda’s (Kankata panda) archives, our Sazra and the women folk’s recital for ancestor’s blessings for the newly born, in a ritual known as “purakha-jagana” (from Madan Chand to Rishabh Deo Singh, during my son’s birth) My efforts to have it registered in UP Govt’s. Records were undone by a jealous clerk in the Varanasi-collectorate, specially being a Rajput himself, he just would’nt send it to the government in Lucknow.
To,
M/s. Ambika Soni
Hon’ble Minister for Culture & Tourism,
Government of India
NEW DELHI - 11001
Re.: Monuments connected with 1857 Uprising.
Ref.: Rajya Sabha question of M.P. Sri Mahendra Mohan assured of your goodselves interest, as well as seeking State Govts. Co-Operation towards the said movement maintenance and of providing basic amenities for tourists.
Respected Sir,
I am lagging behind, owing to my sailing schedules, in completing the mention of the 1857 martyr in my own family viz. Jaipal Singh grand-father of my great grand father Bharat Singh of Kaithi, Pargana Katehar, in my book “Plebeins who would be Kings”, which I consider putting on the internet, as its publication on its own may not happen in three or four years. People may like to grill me on authenticity on the website which I can reply as and when, in the year 2007 itself.
2. In fact, I have already read a paper in 43rd History Congress in Kurukshetra University in Dec. 1982 entitled – “the role of not so - small cultivators of Eastern U.P. in the nationalist movement of 1857 (the first war of independence)
or
the first known oppressive measurement of Queen Victoria’s Government (in India) against the local leader of 1857 mutiny / rebellion.
The above paper details the participation of Jaipal Singh of Kaithi (Katehar) alongside Veer Senani kunwar Singh of Arrah in 1857 / 58 in Azamgarh etc., from where they were repulsed by the British forces.
3. The fact was kept under covers by Mahayogi Bharat Singh between 1857-58 and 6th Dec. 1944 when he died, and the whole world nearly forgot about his genealogical table, while three generations were poisoned in quick succession between 1944-52, and virtual migration of the main family took place to Nainital, when Rai saheb Ram Rup Singh of the first family of Katehar Raghuvanshies decided to settles his sons and nephews in Nainital, the undersigned rebelled and went back to Kaithi, where he found the family treasure in the form of the genealogical table of the 1st House of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, as far back as at the turn of the fourteenth to fifteenth century and had the ‘Sazara’ or the genealogical table repaired by the state Archeological Survey, which was required for donation to the Govt.s’ archives - copies of Ltrs. And table enclosed.
4. My book deals in details as to why Mahayogi Bharat Singh thought it necessary to keep such important document under covers. Briefly to save his Zamindari in 1882-83, settlement of landed property and next, 1924 onwards to save the Civil Service achievement of his grand-son, who would have been dismissed on disclosure of the name of his great, great grand father, the rebellion of 1857 Vir Jaipal Singh (who was renamed in revenue papers after his son Ram Sunder Singh was reported as “Makhbudul Khaber” (whereabouts not known), for saving, himself the disgrace of lying about the name of his father). Although his son, the great Mahayogi Bharat Singh, felt no qualms in eschewing the mention of his grand-father Jaipal Singh and instead named his great grand father (Shiv Ratan Sing) as ‘Dada’ instead of Baba (both can be used for grand father, but Dada quite often, in Eastern U.P. is great grand father)
on page 130 of Kankata Panda’s account of Raghuvanshies of Katehar (annexure 3-a) visiting for Pind-dan in Gaya.
5. Although I close the account of the ‘Plebeians’ on 28.06.1952, when my father died of poisoning and the entire family shifted to Manakapur House in Naintal, I did return to refurbish and renovate the “Sees Chand Mansion” and it was revived after a gap of twenty years, and became one of he oldest known living edifices any where, in a new version (1933) of the old double story Kutchha with brick supported walls on the outside, where the unknown martyr of 1857 Jaipal Singh was born around 1800 and who left this house at the age of 57 so to join Kunwar Singh in order to show courage to dismiss the presence of the John Company and white skinned invaders on our sacred land, as our self styled masters. The house is well lived in and has about 10 Biswas open land on east and south (Where I want to raise the ‘Hall of Fame of Katehar Raghuvanshies”), with wide berth between the pucca road and the house, on its western side including Sahan and Chabutara (Set back for the House itself)
6. The eastern Bada or courtyard can be turned into guest-rooms for providing basic amenities for the tourists from world-over, who would like to see the abode of an unknown martyr (and made known through insight in revenue papers and genealogical table and Panda’s Bahi in Gaya) and a house giving shelter to 21 generations of the first family of Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
PRAYER
The State Archeological Survey Deptt., the Divisional Commissioner of Varanasi, along with his subordinates, the officer of the Deptt. Of Tourisum, can visit and summon myself for queries and confirmations of my tale and assertions about the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh, papers for which I am submitting to the Hon’ble Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for his orders and your advise.
Thanking you,
Yours obediently,
(Suresh Pratap Singh)
Charter Engineer (London)
Marine Chief Engineer,
Sri Amitabh Bachchan ji
Jalsa
Juhu- Tara Road
Juhu
MUMBAI- 400049
“ Picturisation of Jaipal Singh’s Martyrdom in 1857”
I have completed a book on the first House of Katehar, where the 1857 martyr Jaipal Singh from the “House of Sees Chand” has found a mention, once again, after a paper was read in the 43rd History congress of 1982, on the process of locating his sacrifice for the country, which was kept under covers by his own grand-son the sage and mahayogi Bharat Singh, for reasons enumerated in a letter to Ms. Ambica Soni, Minister of Culture in G.O.I. on 6/12/06 and 25.12.06 briefly (enclosed) and detailed in the book called the “plebeians who would be kings”, the story of the Raghuvanshi kings of Ayodhays, shifted to Katehar and DOBHI by the overlord of Kashi, Kannauj and Ayodhya at the end of twelvth century, the well-know historical figure Jaichandra- the adversary of mighty Prithviraj Chauhan and the abductor of his daughter Sanyukta. He simple married-off his grnand-neice, Bindumati, daughter of Raja Banar of Banaras and tucked- (King Naindeo)-away to safety- the enfeebled descendants of Raghu and Bhagwan Ram, in deep jungles of pargana Katehar lying sixteen miles north-east of the town, to save them from being slain by zehadies like GHZZI MIAN (SAIYAD SALAR).
Although a junior Cousin had Sher-Shah Suri in his stable for fifteen years from 1501 to 1515 (ICHR PAPER, 1979,Mumbai “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Deo”), the senior most House of Sees Chand lived frugali and unnoticed, except for their genealogical table found in 1978 and when women sang songs naming the ancestors at the birth of my son, it was found that one name was suppressed and removed from Revenue Records and even from the’ Bahi’ of Gaya’s pandas that of Jaipal Singh and then I could establish as to why it was so. Because he was a ‘Baghi’ of 1857, along with a cousin in the same village and that could have meant demolition of zamindari rights of his descendants in 1882-84 settlement of the house of Sees Chand as well as sacking of his great grand-son from the Civil Services of Britishraj, much later.
Now I have written about him and just thought that it would be a good idea and timely so, for you to act as Jaipal Singh who left Kaithi to join Veer Senani Kunwar Singh at the age of 57, perhaps owing to the strong personality of his daughter-in-law, the dowager princes Hansa Kunwar, who could be potrayed by equally beautiful Aishwarya Rai and the “Mukhhoobul khaber” – zamindar of Kaithi, Ram Sunder Singh, father of the sage Bharat Singh, by your handsome son. Please to peruse
www.1857-amartyramongpks.com , for detailed information and with the request to kindly give my suggestion ,a thought at your end and oblige.
(Suresh pratap Singh)
Forthcoming Books from the author of “the plebeians who would be the kings”.
"Suresh Pratap Singh,Kaithi,Katehar"
1.Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial ‘Mahaal’ of Kaithi.
There have been some brilliant revenue administrators in north India since the days of Akbar the great, like his own minister Raja Todar mal and about the same time, Sher Shah the Suri emperor himself. Later on Lord Cornwallis of East India Company was blessed with Jonnathan Duncan, who did brilliant settlement operations in Bengal and Bihar,before being sent to do the settlement in the ninety-four parganas of Benares between 1789 and 1793,at first on a quinquennial basis, which, later turned into permanent. But it was done in such a haste that many inaccuracies accompanied it. At the same time it was not done on the basis of revenue villages but its main basis was “mahaal” which consisted of either a full villages(revenue or otherwise) or even parts of some villages, like the alluvial areas formed settlement of a few adjoining villages,which may be falling in different districts. Thus separate maps of the settlement of a village were made ,that of the high-lands and those of the riverine and alluvial areas, which were bound to shift with the change of the meander of the river every monsoon. Under Bengal Alluvial Regulations there were sections for the changing pattern of the realization of the revenue cess, as the position may settle just before 15th of December, every year. And there was a provision for quinquennial settlements every five years.
In Kaithi the change of course of river Gomti in 1980 created much problem after 626.04acres of the village land went on the other side of the river and the district magistrate and the collector of the other side insisted, as per the Bengal Alluvia Regulation(which was not deleted as such) that the entire block of the shifted land ,now attached to their side of villages has become a part and parcel of his district,he wrote to the State government in Lucknow.
Anyway, in the history of revenue law making, the Uttar Pradesh government had defined the “Village” for the first time under section 3(25) of the UP ZA & LR Act and it said that what belonged to the tenents and cultivators of Village Kaithi on the day of vesting(of the Zamindari rights of former Zamindars in the State of Uttar Pradesh)i.e. on 1.07.1952,shall belong to Village Kaithi ,in perpetuity.
It was a tough fight for the Kaithi tenents.and on 13.01.1981,the revenue secretary passed orders as per the new act, passed by the Assembly. The brilliance of Thakur Ram Rup Singhji with his vast experience in the work of settlement was able to turn the tide on the collector across the river and against the Bengal Alluvial Regulations laid down by the hard work of Duncan as ordered by Cornwallis.
I intend publishing the entire story of how we achieved this result, through the various GOs of the government from that of Dashrath Singh’s and G.C. Chaturvedi’s in 1954 to that of Sri Athar Hussain in 1971,as a future guidance for the Kaithi cultivators as well as for the UP government’s revenue officials as well as for the Board of Revenue who seldom come across such tricky situation for their peaceful confabulations between them and not allow the conflict to turn ugly for lack of proper guidelines.
2.Dredging of the Ganga as a panacea against recurring floods,shifting streams and navigational –difficulties.
The author has worked for several years with the”Dredging Corporation of India” and wrote a paper for formulating a Bill in the Parliament,which was moved by Sri Rajesh Pilot and passed by the House, and eventually the “Inland Waterways Authority of India” was formed. Even when he was in the DCI, he suggested, on the basis of work being done by him for the Corporation, to Sri Rajiv Gandhi ways and means to control the fury of floods, specially of the Ganga(as declared by the Parliament as No.1 waterway project to be undertaken by the newly formed Authority and particularly the means of controlling the massive amount of silt coming down stream all the way from the Himalayas.
However, the author was able to convince Sri Rajnath Singh a local man become the Shipping Minister ,of starting the work of Dredging on the Ganga ,in a meeting with him in February 2000. And by May the same year the dredging work commenced in Kaithi, inaugurated by the Minister, himself.
Then came about the hurdles, administrative hurdles, regional hurdles and many other types of hurdles, which resulted in shutting- down the work of dredging in Kaithi and on the Ganga as Mr. Nair declared that Ganga was a dead river. The next minister said(as tutored by the officials of the Authority) that there was no water in the Ganga west of Patna and sent me rushing down to the Planning Commission to see Sri K.C.Pant,in order to call the bluff of Sri Hukum Deo Narain.I wrote to the PM and thank God Sri Yadav was shifted to agriculture.
There is a lot of correspondence and assurances from chief secretaries, but nothing ever materialized .There were always queries from the central minister Sri Murli Manohar Joshi to extend the navigational facility upto Allahabad,as per the Bill of the Parliament, but soon enough the Authority closed down their office in Allahabad once BJP was out of office at the Centre.
Joining the rivers of the south and the north is a dream of Capt.Dastur and it involves such large sums of resources, without matching returns that it will always remain a pipe-dream. Where as in Rajasthan people in the villages have done indigenous dredging and building check-dams to store water for bathing, drinking and small cultivation and the local collectors have exhorted them and offered official help too. There is the community of the mallahs who are experts in bandalling , channelising and silt control. The Authority has become too authoritative and can approach the ministers to dictate their terms for their convenient location for the project-people,which automatically excludes the Ganga. Even bureaucrats wield pressure on the minister on behalf of technocrats who are operating on regionalism as their priority and till yesterday wanted to stay south.
This has to be straightened-out and the flood’s fury of the Ganga has to be tamed and the river made navigable,year-round,even when Mr.Joshi and myself are not around.
Good news is the effect of my missives on Sri Bagga and Akhand Pratap that they undertook the dredging of the Gomti in Lucknow and used the muck and the silt for building up the two banks height,without bringing earth-work from elsewhere and paying for it.
3.Shipping Scene,today.
There is a blog running and if I am stuck in Mumbai a little longer, the material may eventually come out on the blog itself for compiling it into a book. The whole thing is quite revolutionary, specially as owing to my first association with Shipping, five decades ago and the new trend of quick buck, everywhere, today and the gaping difference in the attitude and outlook about earning an honest buck and living in style and peacefully as against the rat-race of the present days and it stirs me to speak-out of the pain of the seamen, inflicted on him by both the ship-owner and the government in nexus with the shipping Cos. agents It seems the office of the D.G. Shipping is made to support the immoral acts of the ship-owner against the seaman and surely in the long run agaist the ex-chequer . Only an investigating journalist can show it to the media and the public, that aspect of corruption. However, I am not concerning that as my business as I am not trained to be investigative work. I can only speak boldly and frankly of the maladies of the quick buck theory against all morality, which has harmed me and scores of suffering seamen on the world-trade, with documents to prove my points.
How would it sound that the owners plan to sink their ships to earn from the insurance of dead seamen and other items to enhance their property by buying a newer ship with bigger tonnage and higher earning capacity?
How would it sound that when faced by the need to shell-out dollars in wages, they stoop-down to having the seaman arrested by the local police and in European atmosphere, the Owner’s representative himself gets arrested ,if the agent is an honest bloke. They pay only if you are able to extract the wages before leaving the ship, but never after you have left the ship. Then it is distributed among the officals and clerks of the DG and the Shipping Master’s office. That is indicated by the fact that even IAS level officers get involved as shown by the RTI reports. And some RTIs don’t ever come the Shipping Master sending reminders after reminders to the Shipping Company, to the questions that they themselves ought to reply.
The seaman is on the receiving end all the time and from every quarter. The latest addition are the “next to God for a seaman-the Govt. Ship and Engine Surveyors ”They are racking their brains in trying their best to be equal to administrative officer of the Govt. of India, e.g. ;additional secretaries, joint secretaries and deputy secretaries to the Govt. of India and are behaving like big shots, while the scene is turning murkier as they are becoming haughty,arrogant,misbehaved, day by day.otherwise even vindictive,if their sense of one-upmanship is hurt Anyway,they go all out for the kill regardless of any morality and human decency,let alone the officer-like qualities for which they must have been allotted marks in their respective training institutions.I am still trying not to expose them, but it is not only a question of dignity but also a question of survival of the fittest and also a matter of the need to nip their attitude of arrogance and child-like behaviour of one-upmanship in the bud .The Shipping ministry thinks the DG is enough to take care of the matter, but DG never takes any interest as they think they are in Mumbai to inculcate good relations with the ship-owners and not for the redressal of sea-farers grievances..
Even if I am satisfied with the action of the ministry and the DG,in their conduct of dealing with the seaman in a proper manner, the stories of the degradation of the ship-owners is worth relating,in which the DG ‘s underlings are again involved So what to do. Wait for a supari and ask for protection from Sri Chidambaram.
4.Katehar ke Raghuvanashi – Ekal Hindu Samrat. (in Hindi).
This is a Hindi version of the first book the plebeians and has become necessary owing to the uproar of my country cousins against their story in english,which they claim they don’t understand, which is not true It is only that do not want to make an effort in reading English, unless they bloody well have to. And they have no compulsions. So it is me who has to do as they say .In fact I had already done so on the sad demise of Shivaji,after he insisted in a Shringar of Saabha Baba that I must write in Hindi as well,just a few days before his ghastly accident.Not to mind the pretentious ,pompous and highfalutin title of the book ,which is more or less a translation of the title of the book in English on the same subject with the reservation s of Dr. Karan Singh,that as to who would be interested in reading about your family(which he agreed, may also include him).In fact, I have cut-down on the family-dose to minimal on his advise and have put an emphasis on the social and a comparison of the then village life and the city-life,which prospered on the yields of the villages,with proper data of the yields acrage and variety of crops,there-in,apart from tracing history of Varanasi and Ayodhya from the time the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya to Varanasi in 1194AD,just to feel what our ancestors went through.They came-out quite unscathed,thank you.However,I want to indulge in proper story-telling and all the gossip-mongering,in my mother tongue and at ease and may even exclude the historical caricature of the medieval era,which anyone can find in history books,except for substantiating the title of the book.
I advise anyone interested in the Raghuvanshies should read my blog on Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
Suresh Pratap Singh
At Navi Mumbai
25.05.2009
The blog:Raghuvanshies of Katehar,the plebeian kings—1194AD onwards…
A Preface being an introduction to a book, gives an outline to the material, there-in and if that is so, then what I have called as Book I, is the proper Preface of my book, which however is very lengthy, so this piece is being added.
I have very romantically called this book or the explorations, there-in as something that I was destined to do, or was born for doing so. Someone reading my lines on the palm may declare so. But after seeing the mediocre outcome of the so-called a work of the destiny, does’nt impress even me. I would ,much rather, say that it has been a matter of chance that I was born in the 1st House of Katehar, about which, by now, every one had quite forgotten, through unceasing rigorous work of agriculture, through generations of a mean and miserly(saving stock of grain for three years against likely poor harvest, in dry-land farming) livelihood. And as the things were destined to happen , I lost my father at a very young age and was taken away to live in Nainital in suddenly an awesome comfort of good life. I turned from a topper to a mediocre second class student , but as destined, I got into the merchant-marine and went around the world many times over. I had the good sense of sending half the money home and called it a day at sea, owing to overwhelming sentiments for father and also for the mother-land, for reasons explained in the text akin to the Preface, and may be unduly so and in a fit of anguish, the way things were going.
However, even before things happened that made me talk of destiny, as if I was the chosen one to redeem the “Raghuvanshies of Katehar”, as if they would have perished otherwise, line, hook and sinker .I doubt any one is ever so thrilled among the country-cousins of Katehar, let alone those of Dobhi, who are insisting on a combined history of the two, notwithstanding the pargana of Sultanipur between the two of them and poles apart in the history and geography of the region I fear it may be berated amongst even amongst the closest of the cousins (simply for having done it). Another certainty is that only one copy would suffice for the entire village, which should come along unpaid for. So specially for the villages with the tag of the 1st house I am keeping something up my sleeve, that every one must buy at least the second edition or the Hindi version, which I intend calling; ”Katehar ke Raghuvanshi,ekal Hindu Samrat ,1194AD to 1793AD’ for the following reason,found in a book given to me by Rao Barauli.I quote:
Page(134)
Hindu Kings
The city was founded some three thousand years back .A detailed history of Kashi in chronological order is not traceable Only inscriptions on stone pillars and the existence of old temples and copper plates give us some rudimentary ideas about the line of kings that ruled Banaras .The city was under the sway of the kings of Kanauj for a considerable time. After the defeat of Raja Jai Chandra by the mussalman invaders one branch of the family fled eastward and set up and independent state. For many years the Gaharwar princes ruled banaras and afterwards they were compelled to retire to Kantit and Bana. The last in the line of the Gaharwar erected the old Rajput fort at Rajghat.The present Kantit family in Mirzapur claims its ancestry from this time.
The Kanauj kings did not penetrate in land and the country was held by Soeries,Bhars and other unsubdued tribes, who were independent throughout Avadh and the eastern districts. The district even today abounds with Bhars especially in Banaras tehsil.
Rajput colonization does not appear to have begun before the 12th or the13th centuries. This is the period popularly assigned to the establishment of the Raghubansi power. One Deo Kunwar came from Ayodhya ,the ancient seat of Raghubansis and married the daughter of Raja Banar, obtaining as dowry the Taluqa of Niar.The Raghubansis are the only Rajputs in the district who seemed to have acquired a position of independence.The Raghubansis claim descent from one Doman Deo,ninth in the direct descent from Deo Kunwar, who lived during the regime of Sikander Lodi and held Katehar as a rent-free tenure.” Unquote;
So even the history that speaks of us has Princess Bindumati married off to Deo Kunwar.Which in our bard’s story is married to the last King of Ayodhya, Nain deo. whose son was Salhe Kunwar, who fathered None Rao and Nangayee Rao While None Rao went away to Kashmir, Nangayee Rao fathered Deo Kunwar, who settled Deorayee in 1380AD.His great grand-father married the daughter of Raja Banar, sometime after 1194AD,after Jai Chandra shifted him to Rajghat in Varanasi or Banaras.Again,Doman Deo is said in the above description as the ninth in the descent from Deo Kunwar.Whereas factually, after Deo Kunwar,it was Birhaj Rai,then Pukar Rai,then Rai Khemraj Singh,then Udai Chand,then Ugaa Thakurayee,whose second son was Doman Deo who comes out to be seventh in line.
Doman Deo was contemporary of Sikander Lodi and even Sher Shah Suri(who had worked in his stable as a runaway in between 1501 to 1515)) upto 1545AD,i.e. three hundred and fifty years after the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya, and its odd that all Raghuvanshies claim descent from Doman Deo.So one purpose of this exercise is also for the purpose of correction of records in such haphazard descriptions as much as in some old Govt. Gazeteers, and bring for public viewing the correct order of the lineage,and specially for our suspicious cousins in Jaunpur,calling all Katehar cousins not only descendants of Doman Deo,but also of his Ahir consort(in jest).For the records sake Doman Deo fathered five sons from that lady,called,Jalho Mokal,Amba,Chan and Bariyasan Singh.Doman Deo’s other son was Kalyan Shah, whose son Ayirran Shah built the Ayar Kot ,near Varanasi, whose eleventh descent Pratap Narain Singh was adopted by maharaja of Vijayanagaram in Andhra Pradesh and Vijjy etc. were his descent and came to Chandravati ,near Kaithi to claim their share.
Our family bard Banshi Kavi made a record by his memory as a lot of preserved genealogy was thrown in the river Gomti,over some dispute between them, by the descendants of the Chaubeys who came from Ayodhya,accompanying Nain Deo,the last King of Ayodhya.He has done a remarkable work,but his mixing-up of Anno-Domini and Vikram Samvat is quite perplexing at times.
I have taken the benchmark of my own uncles birthdate from the Civil List and gone backwards,allotting a generous twenty-five years as an average to each of my long-living ancestors,eg.130(Ram Sunder Singh),110(Bharat Singh),96(Ram Rup Singh).instead of ASI’s meager 19 and a half years as an average for each generation,as Director Monuments Sri Soundarajan used for calculating Ayodhya’s age as per their excavations and comparing the same with my own table till Ikshawaku son of Manu and Satrupa,who established Ayodhya.Mr. Soundarajan was highly impressed and wrote to me twice, seeking information about the direct lineal descendants of the Raghuyvanshy dynasty of Ayodhya i.e. us.
I have to indeed mention the genealogical table come to my possession,also by chance and good wishes of the village-folk towards the family which had me moving with an invigorating zeal towards what the retired district judge had predicted about me,years ago,in the Lucknow Coffee House,to Thakur Ram Rup Singhji,on reading my palm.I traveled to Gaya and met our family panda(the record-keeper) and checked on the entries of my ancestors about the mystery of the 1857 martyr,Jaipal Singh,about which I read a paper in ICHR session of Kurukshetra and put in the website called , www.1857-amartyramongpwwbks.com and the same will be annexed in the book under consideration.There is another paper I should speak about which I read in the ICHR session of Mumbai,was “SherShah in the court of Doman Deo”.Although the great meandering catastrophy of the river Gomti in 1980,pulled me away from my preoccupation of the Raghuvanshies.
Again,it was the 150th anniversary of the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh that brought me back to get active in the cause of the book.I hope I will not keep my cousins and others waiting for too long,as I have decided to do it on my own,entirely,no body being attracted by my website or the blog.
I hope I am able to keep your attention glued to my story-telling in vernacular English,which I thought was fine for merchant marine globe-trotting,but realized its vagary starting on this project.And the requirement of my country cousins of the same book to be written in Hindi has also become my compulsion,so bless me to complete the Hindi version ,soonest ,but not so soon so as to stop you from buying this one,in the meanwhile,because that will not be an out and out translation.So please do not miss out the fantacy of the plebeians at your service.
Suresh Pratap Singh
Navi Mumbai
22.05.2009
About the author of the book: the plebeians who would be the kings.
Born in the house of Sees Chand, at the time when Adolf Hitler was occupying Gdansk in Poland and the Indian Empire of the British was about to disintegrate and the Congress Party of India was on the ascendancy , about to win freedom for the country , Gandhi had already acquired the stature of a deity and everyone had a Congress revolutionary in the family , his own father being arrested for burning the Kaiser Hind aerodrome, built on his own mangroves and land, training young American fliers for the war, his one uncle being arrested for Congress agitations and activities in and around Azamgarh ,and a brother-in-law for refusing to pay in the War-fund kitty of the ruling British class ,and mother’s maternal-uncle for Quit-India movement in Varanasi. The name of his first cousin changed from Bhagat Singh to Virendra Pratap. Born to the rural middle-class affluence ,acquired over regular tilling of soil for frugal subsistence over five hundred years and twenty-two generations of the men of grit and resolve to have claimed their entire possession as “independent land-owners ”,recognizing none as their over-lords or even as sovereigns since their migration from Ayodhya in or around 1194 AD, till 1793.
The most amazing factor of his life is to have been born in the same family, where the Bhrigu-sanhita- mentioned Mahayogi Bharat Singh presided, as the 110 years old sage till 6th of December 1944.However that saw the end of the golden-era of the 1st House of Katehar and by 28.06.1952,three days prior to Zamindari-abolition in United-Provinces or Uttar Pradesh and every thing seem to have evaporated in the thin air over-night. He was but an impressionable young lad of twelve .The Sees Chand Mansion was totally deserted and forlorn ,people took away any thing and every thing they could lay their hands on, there was no one to stop them. By and by the heavy teek doors and almirahs were unhinged and removed after a roomful of teek-slabs had been gradually removed from the house. Huge wooden boxes were shifted away. One such box carried the 1st House genealogical table, which took people by surprise as it was not decipherable. So the word went around of such a find, which was handed-over to him by a stroke of good luck and people’s well-wishes for the family after the return of the prodigal son.
The riddle of the large sheet of high-class Italian art paper supported by cotton-mesh at the back took much of the time and curiosity of the author till a clerk in the Varanasi courts solved it in a couple of Sundays riddle-solving session. This was like a Pandora’s box and a thrilling mystery-book which set the tone of the book to be written by him. The author by now had concluded his ten-year long sea-career and got around to Indian Council of Historical Research and read four papers, mainly based on the knowledge gained from his abovementioned Pandora’s box, aided by the tales of the family bard since shifting from Ayodhya in around 1194AD.
However, the urge to complete the history of migration from Ayodhya to Varanasi and Jaunpur was nipped in the bud, by the horrendous deeds of the river Gomti in 1979 and 1980,on 7th of September, when the author’s village lost 626.04acres of riverine land in one big shifting to south- detour of the river. This and the head of the 1st House of Katehar,Rai Saheb Thakur Ram Rup Singh kept the author busy, from dawn to past midnight(preparing notes to face from the smallest to the highest revenue officials of the State, legally and morally and desperately to claim what was theirs) for next ten years, till the time the author’s spouse rebelled(owing to the needs of the growing family and the prime source of livelihood having gone on the other side of river Gomti) and she very forcefully and resolutely, packed the author, once more , back to sea.
With good sea-wages the priorities changed overnight with improved living conditions and a certain amount of both sloth and indolence setting –in , however starting work on a new mansion in the city(dedicated to the memories of the survival in his last residence: the glorious Sees Chand Mansion in the village, since 1485 till 28.06.1952,by his ancestor Rai Chan Singhjudeo to his own father Babu Rishabh Deo Singhji-aptly calling it the R.M..House) being erected on the insistence of the spouse, and the historicity in mind in altogether a different prospective, the relegated back-ground bringing-out in the open and to city-lights
However the relegated realization of the over-bearing importance of the edifice still holding-on it’s own and standing-by as a reminder of the past history dawned-upon once more, on the occasion of the last rites of the author’s mother in 2005.It came like an awakening of dulled senses and it seemed to the author that he was born only for the purpose of recording the art of survival and passing their time, incognito, also for the sake of survival of the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya in the thick forests of Katehar,particularly and to hand -over the knowledge to the new generations, of today, for inculcating a sense of pride and humility ,so as not to forget that the Raghuvanshies are born to help the humanity,even today,i.e.in the Kaliyuga.
It is a different matter that in a book-form,it would throw light on many things, unrecorded hitherto by the historians,like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar holding parganas of Katehar,Sultanipur,Barah,Mahaich and Narwan in Varanasi(plus Chandauli,now) as independent land-owners for nearly six hundred years, so much so that historians refer to them as Hindu Kings,after the fall of the Gaharwars.And that from Ghiasuddin Tughlaq in 1321 to Sikander Lodi to Sher Shah Suri in 1545 could’nt object to their style of functioning(mainly of not paying any revenue cess) or do any thing about their haughty arrogance.
The author took to solitary living in his Mumbai-flat to translate the greatest Sanskrit poet Kaldas’s description of his famous ancestor Raghu,the first ever world-conqueror ,as in his quest for realization of his dream to write a Magnum Opus on Ayodhya’s glory from seven millennium BC to 1194AD,when the Raghuvanshies ,more or less,fled from there,or were removed by their benefactor Jai Chand,the then the sovereign of Ayodhya,as well as of Kashi(Varanasi) and Kannauj,as well,of course.That task will take him to Kolkata’s Central Library,in the near future.
The Permanent Settlement of Lord Cornwallis and Jonathan Duncan has found a detailed description owing to his proximity with an authority on revenue matters and an advisor to many ministers in the government of the State, and the author’s own uncle, guiding him and tutoring him, like a stern head-master for days, before sending him to argue-out his case, and of the village, of course, from deputy secretary upto the Secretary ,himself and insisted on getting an order for the same, or else to stay-on in Lucknow, till a copy of the order was in his hands. The officials argued, relentlessly, but obliged most graciously ,after being convinced of the his valid arguments sometimes from 2PM in the afternoon till eight in the evening,till his voice became hoarse.
That may have made him very stubborn, in defence of his own arguments , in general.
A Hall of Fame of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar is his latest fad,other than a Hall of Fame of the First House of Katehar ,and now he is stationed in Mumbai to go back to sea ,to earn for the same purpose but his detractors are up in arms against him once more and are throwing their spanners in the works , all the time. But he is pressing -on regardlesly and resolutely as in the days when he was facing a battery of revenue officials from the Secretariat to the Board of
Revenue as well as locally, from the Divisional Commissioner to the Qanungo.
So before the book goes to print, dear readers of his blog(just search for Raghuvanshies on google blog search and you will get two on the subject)do read his blog and help him do, what he is trying to do ,for you.
Contents and references
Copyright No.:L(28065)/2007
ISBN NUMBER- ISBN-13:978-81-909061-0-4
Book I
1.How it all began –Sees Chand & Doman Deo establishing Kaithi and Chandravati.
2.Story of Syed Sallar Masood Ghazi Mian,grand-son of Mahmood Ghazni,1016 AD.
3.Loss of Ghazi mian to Raja Suheldeo in Bahraich,1034AD
4.Grant of Bayalassi pargana to Rai Chan Singhjudeo.
5.The return of Ram Sunder Singh,the last name in Kaithi Sazra
6.XLI session of the ICHR,in Mumbai and reference to the paper read there on “Sher Shah in the court of Doman Deo.
7.Deo Kunwar settles Deorayee in 1323 AD
8.How close were Sees Chand and Doman Deo.
9.Doman Deo’s ascendancy.
10. Status of the 1st House of Kaithi settlement after 15 generations & Bharat Singh.
11.Did Doman Deo’s horse really cross the Ganges persued by Afgans?
12.The return of the prodigal son.
13.Grand designs of Raja Balwant Singh of Ramnagar.
14.Cornwallis sends Jonathan Duncan as Resident of Benares.
15.Pre-eminence of Bharat Singh
16. Collector Moss and Bharat Singh
Book II
1.Magnum Opus on the survival of the Sun dynasty of Ayodhya
2.Age verification of the 1st House of Katehar
3.Raghuvanshies of Benares.
4.First muslim governor of Benares
5.Firuz Tughlaq ,Ghiasuddin Tughlaq(1322) and the Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
6.Muhhad Shah Sharqi(1440-148)’Hussain Shah Sharqi and Bahlol Lodi and the Raghuvanshies extending their areas of influence in Sharqi kingdom.
7.Sikander Lodi(1488) restores Jaunpur Sultanate and befriends Raghuvanshies.
8.Hasan Shah father of Sher Shah receives jagir of Tanda,across the Ganges and befriends the Raghuvanshies of Kaithi.
9.Raghuvanshies maintain a cavalry and foot soldiers to maintain their freedom.
10.Saints ,Ramanand, Kabir,Ravidas,Guru Nanak live in religious harmony.
11.Defeat of Ibrahim Lodi(1526-at Panipat) allows Afgans to seize eastern provinces and Beneras,once again.
12.Humaun looses to Sher Shah in Chausa(1532)
13.Sher Shah captures Benares garrison(1538-39).
14.Then defeats Humayun in Kannauj(1540),Usman Khan made governor of Benares.
15.Traditions assert makes rent-free grant of Katehar to Raghuvanshies.
16.A mint in Benares,turning copper coins (1555).
17.Akbar the great in Beneras(1556).
18.Raja Todar Mal in Benares(1569)
19.Akabar comes again by waterways on way to Bengal campaign
20. Benares becomes a Sirkar,in the suba of Illahabad,created by Akbar.
21.Sant Tulsidas(1532-1623) composes Ramcharitmanas.
22.Revenue Collection and cultivated areas.
23.Shah Jahan orders casting down of temples of Benares.(1632).
24.Much action in Benares(1658)Slaiman defeats Shuja.
25.Aurangzeb destroys old Kirti Bisheshwar temple and builds Alamgir mosque.
26.Aurangzeb issues orders for demolition of Hindu temples including that of Kashi Vishwanath and Bindumadhav-and a mosque built on each site(1669).
27.Gaga Bhat of Benares summoned for Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation ceremony.(1674).
28.French traveler Tavernier visits Benares(1665).Later on Bernier,also French visits.
29.Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur erects famous Observatory at Benares.
30.Farruk Siar murdered and Muhammad Shah,gives Sirkar of Benares to Murtaza Khan.
31.Murtaza Khan entrusts the management to Rustam Ali,for consideration of five lakhs.
32.Sadat Khan becomes Subedar of Avadh(1722) and Murtaza Khan leases his jagir to him for seven lakhs.Rustam Ali retains the charge till 1738.
33.Mansa Ram representing Rustam Ali before Safdar Jung secures the office of Nazim of Sirkars of Benares,Jaunpur and Chunar,in the nane of his son Balwant Singh.
34.Muhammad Shah issues a ‘Sanad’,after the death of Mansa Ram,conferring Rajaship on Balwant Singh.(1739).
35..Fresh settlement of new tenants ordered by Balwant Singh.(1759).
36.Time of great anxiety,for city of Benares(1752).
37.A havoc created in the city of Benares(1750).
38.Balwant Singh hastily retreats from battle of Buxor and a British Resident posted at Ramnagar,his headquarters in Benares.(1764).
Book III
1.Ikschawakus table in Ayodhya,prior to its last King’s migration to Benares,1194AD.
2.Kosala’s under Magadh.
3.Sungas sovereignity on Kosala.
4.The Guptas and Ayodhya
5.Rise of Maukharies and shift to Kannauj.
6.The beginning of Muslim invasions.
7.A need of convincing proof of solar races genuineness for the historians.
8.The Russian scholar’s views.
9.a translation of Kalidas’s “Raghuvansh-Mahakavya”(Chapters I to chapter VIII).
Book IV
1.Chapter VIII to chapterXIX of the mahakavya.
2.Ayodhya in the mediaeval period.
3.The Sultans of Delhi.
4.The Mughals.
5.The Nawabs(1720- 1856).
6.The Annexation of Ayodha and the struggle of 1857.
BOOK-I
Plebeians who would be Kings
A book about the legends of Ikshawakus and history of Raghuvanshies from seven millennium B.C. to 28.06.1852 from Asthachakra Ayodhya to Kaithi-Katehar, taking a clue from the Last Reghuvanshy King Maharaja Nain Deo’s bard Banshi Kavi, who traveled with him to Varanasi at the time of the abdicated king’s betrothal to the famouns Gaharwar King Jaichand’s grand –neice Bindumati in Varansai in 1194 A.D. ; AND THEREON -
An application for the magnum opus’s copyrights has been submitted to the Registrar of COPYRIGHTS , to the Govt. of India, New Delhi-110001. on 15.11.2006, from Belapur, Navi Mumbai, by registered post with triplicate statement of Particulars and the fee paid vide postal order NO. 40F 751229, 40F 751228 AND 56E894907, with Receipt No:- RLA 6101, from Konkan Bhavan SO 400614.
Name
SURESH PRATAP SINGH
Family Name
RAGHUVANSHI
“The plebeians who would be Kings”.
Story of the 1st House of Katehar. 1378-1952
By the 1st born of the Second son of the
Direct lineal descendant in the Twentieth Century.
Subject
A treatise (Proposed) on shifting of
Raghuvanshi rulers from Ayodhya and
Spreading in Varanasi (Katehar) and
Jaunpur (Dobhi) etc.
I must have been destined to do this work as I was always wondering about “ meaning of life” in my letters, to my erudite uncle, from sea, having lost my noble father early in a ghostly tragedy, after having stood by his side in al his struggle of regaining the squandered property in my abode of eighteen generations, (not known to me then and neither suffering yet from any supercilious sense of elitism, first dose of which was administered by Sri Parmeshwar Dwivedi on major Banks Road in Lucknow , reading my Bhrigu-Sanhita, with uncanny accuracy about the past, of which even my highly intelligent uncle was not aware). Secondly a retired (D.J.) gentleman (Mr. Srivastava- I think) frequenting our table in Lucknow Coffee House was a casual but renowned for accurate palm reader, told me of accomplishing a big thing connecting the past with the Future, in my life. Thirdly, Raja Banaras’s astrologer told me when I was struggling for survival in mid seventies that my “Standard of Living” will be the highest ever in the family’s history.
This was before I was forced to resign, fed-up with my uncle’s (in fact my mother was the one who did it within six month’s of my father’s demise) selling the Kaithi property, time and again. I visited Kaithi once after the first sale-deed on being updated by a cousin of my father after I gave him four hundred rupees a help (that was a big sum in 1967). Then there was another effort of selling spree and I resigned my handsome job in the Merchant Marine. And then while visiting Shiv Ratri Mela in my imported ‘Ford’ on sighting the ruins of Chandravati Fort of Doman Dev I asked about his time from my otherwise very well read and informed uncle. He said it must have been 2000 to 2500 years ago. So that was that – the level of information about the Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi, sacked from Ayodhya.And the person telling me was born in the house of the eldest brother of Doman Dev, who lived in Chandrawati only fifteen generations away. That was jolting and something had to be done about it. So I found my family’s genealogical table, prepared in around 1840 and a book of Banshi Kavi, about the last king of Ayodhya, forced to give- up his Kingdom and migrate to his father-in-laws domain in Varanasi. According to Banshi Kavi, he married the King’s daughter, later, while leading the life of a hermit. But if the theory of massacre of five leading Hindu Kings by Syed Sallar Jung alias Ghazi Main is correct, then Raja Banar must have been killed already by him before Maharaj Nain Dev of Ayodhya came to Varanasi , fleeing from Ayodhya on the thought of the approaching terror, which should have been around 1032 A.D. in the reign of Masud Ghazni son of Mahmud Ghazni during their 26 years rule. Syed Sallar Jung Ghazi Main was a nephew of Masud Ghazni and a grandson of Mahmud Ghazni. He has left windows in Varanasi and maidens waiting to marry him every year, and is feted in Bahraich district where Raja Suheldeo tackled him in a decisive battle in the Suhelawa forest. Strange are the ways of national integration that both Muslim and Hindus pay yearly homage on his ‘Mazar’ -to the man who decided to eliminate five principal Hindu rulers to establish Islam and Islamic phenomena, by historians and Hindu institutions, separating history from legend.
However if one goes by the legend of Ghazi Mian massacring the Mathura King and Raja Bannar the last Gaharwar ruler of Varanasi, the dates given by Banshi Kavi the court Bard’s descendant come with Maharaj Nain Dev from Ayodhya vary by about a hundred years. But Banshi Kavi who used to come and stay with us when my great grand-father was alive, has complained that the conspiring Chaubeys of Niyar- deeh had thrown all his papers and genealogical tables in river Gomti and he had prepared everything from his memory and that is why quite incomplete. Surprisingly, my great grandfather did not give him our own genealogical table down from Sees Chand to update to couple of generations more. At though it is doubtful that either of the two understood the baithaua-Urdu Script of Sees Chand’s table. It took a couple of moths to get hold of an old Muharrir by name of Sagar Singh to come to our village for couple of Sundays to be able to decipher our table for us to know that indeed this village was settled by Sees Chand son of Madan Chand Judeo, who was the eldest son of First Raghuvanshi visitor to Kaithi who come to worship on the banks of river Ganges for several years: by name of Rai Chan Singh Judeo eldest son of first Rai of Katehar Rai Khemraj Singh, eldest son of Baba Pukar Rai of Niyardeeh.
Niyardeeh on the banks of Gomit was for long the seat of one branch of Raghuvanshies, i.e. of Katehar; while Ganesh Rai settled Dobhi in Jaunpur and one of the sons of Shalhe Kunwar, only son of Maharaj Nain Deo went away to Kashmir. Dr. Karan Singh of Kashmir had promised to me long ago to give me his own genealogical table kept away somewhere in some place near Srinagar, for completing the table of descendants of the Raghuvansi Kings of Ayodhya in the aftermath of the news and the threat of sacking of Ayodhya by Ghazi Mian and of leaving Ayodhya peremptorily; giving it away to purohits the Pandeys (although now the Raja is a Misra, whom I met in Delhi at my nephew’s place over a lunch).The present Raja of Ayodhya Sri. Mishra should be a good source and their history can be traced and tallied by that of Banshi Kavi’s ancestors, who left with the last Raghuvanshi king for Varanasi
Law of primogeniture was abolished by Bhagwan Ram himself, not that it was universally accepted afterwards or was acceptable to most others than Raghuvanshies. He did it mostly to appease his own three brothers, giving Taxila area to Bharat (it was his descendants who faced Alexander the great) Mathura to Shatrughan and close by Lucknow to Laxman. That was a large chunk of Pargiters ten democracies of the invading Aryans. Despite this, kings rose and ruled in Ayodhya, sometimes deserted and re-invigorated by supreme vaishnav kings like Vikramaditya in Kalidas’s “Raghuvansh Mahakavya” and other works and treatise. Doman Dev was one such person with much wealth at his command (through legendry magic paras(touch- stone or whatever turning iron into Gold) that he usurped the estate of Sees Chand come down to him from his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo granted to him by a Delhi or a Jaunpur Kings for his valour. Sees Chand confronted his famous cousin as the folklore goes on the border of Kaithi Rajwari in the riverine- Tari, and held Doman Deo’s horse to stop the boisterous and strong prince for having given away the “Pargana Bayalasi” in Jaunpur to Bais Rajputs, what was rightfully his estate being the eldest grandson of Rai Chan Singh Judeo. There was some sort of rapprochement between the two cousins and Doman Dev is said to have reassured his elder cousin never to look towards 2292 Bighas of Kaithi, even after being appointed a Raja of sorts by Emperor Sher Shah himself on return from his Bengal expedition around 1545 (dates can be corrected for accuracy by reference to history Books). In fact sheer Shah Suri, the King Emperor held a court on his return from Bengal expedition to make reproaches to Doman Dev, his erstwhile master (1501-1515) for the insolence of his commander-in-chief in sacking the fort of Chandravati and chasing away Doman Dev to Laxmangarh, for refusing to provide arms and ammunitions, men and material needed for Bengal expedition of Sher Shah, after his great conquest of Ahmedabad (Gujrat) .There was an incident in the Temple of Markandey Mahadeo, where the commander-in-chief met Doman Deo of the Raghuvanshy clan, which gave time for Doman Deo of the Raghuvanshy clan, to flee across the Ganges. Some stupid soldiers started chipping away on the Idol of the ruling deity (it can be seen even today as one enters to pray on the western edge of the Shivlinga. Then a storm of the BEES invaded the temple’s sanctum sanctorum and attacked the soldiers and drove them to their grave in a field of plots (now in my possession) called the ‘Zinwa’ and their leader found a grave nearby called “Saeed Baba ki Mazar”. Meanwhile Doman Deo made his getaway to Laxmangarh, while Sher Shah’s troops attacked and sacked Chandrawati. Sher Shah made much amends for his Commander in- Chief’s insolence on his return from the successful Bengal expedition by holding a Darbar to honour Doman Dev the Raghuvanshi settler in Varanasi. Doman Dev found further ascendancy to his ruling career, there onwards. One Mr. Ram Chandra Srivastava Director Archaeological Suvey, who visited the temple of “Sabha Baba” (to be maintained by the occupants of Sees Chand’s house) and (found statues and figurines of the eleventh century, inside the temple) told me that Sri Rudra Dutt Singh of Senapur (a friend of U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Macnmara) had located a ‘Sanad’ issued by Sher Shah at that time, which happens to be lodged in the library of the Cornell University (near New York, U.S.A.) granting freedom from cess on Cultivation to Doman Dev and as leader of all (subject to denial by Dobhi Sect far away in Jaunpur) the Raghuvnshies (of Katehar and descendants of Baba Pukar Rai of Niyar – all the twelve of them, spread around). That is when Doman Dev found true ascendancy over his elders and senior houses, viz. of Sees Chand Judeo of Kaithi, etc. allowing him 2292 Bighas as free lease, and was emboldened to grant away paragana Bayalisi to Bais Rajputs on his visit to Sher Shah’s court in Delhi ,later. He usurped the rights of Sees Chand with impunity. And the confrontation between the two cousins in Kaithi’s riverine belt (Tari) must have occurred after Doman Dev having bequeathed the inheritance of Sees Chand, in Delhi, to his own needy sisters married to rebellious Basis Rajputs imprisoned by Sher Shah and released on Doman Dev’s pleadings and assurances of good conduct by those Rajputs by way of engagement in agriculture away from arms and ammunitions, in Jaunpur’ paragana Bayalisi.
Chart of relationship between Sees Chand and baba Doman Deo (or Dev).
Rai Khemraj Singh 2) Satan Rai 4) Chitau Baba 5) Niyayi baba
1) Rai Chan Singh Judeo 2) Rai Veerbhan 3) Rai Uday Chand Singh
Madan Chand Judeo 5) Uga Thakurayee
See Chand Judeo 1) Tara Chand 2) Raja Doman Dev
(Kaithi) (Employer of Sher Shah)
built original ,Sees Chand mansion ( as a youngman) betn.( 1501-1515.AD)
Around 1465 AD- on Rai Chand Singh Estate
Latest rebuilding 1932
(in the times of Bharat Singh)
House in use and in order
Needing restoration for
Posterity & Raghuvanshy’s
History.
10/05/2001. page 2 owefvekeÀ peeiejCe DeleerkeÀ Debmeejer mew³eo meeueej cemeTo ieepeerJe Je ceeefuekeÀ DeHeÀpeue
“ Syed salar Masood Ghaxi Mian” grand son of Mahmood Ghazni and nephew (sister’s son) of Masud Ghazni, born 405 Hizri or 1016 A.D. Returned from Ghazni at the age of 16 for promotion of religion to India. He came via Multan and Delhi to dozens of districts if western U.P. (including Mathura to Ghazipur and Benares. He is supposed to have been crucified or killed at the age of 16 (else where it is 18) in 420 Hizri in Baharaich (killed by suheldeo in suhelawa forest) on his way to Ayodhya to kill the Hindu king there. There is a symbolic cepeej nj p³esÿ ceeme kesÀ ÒeLece jefJeJeej keÀes ³eneb cesuee ueielee nw~ ³eneb yeekeÀe³eoe FvekeÀer Meeoer keÀe Dee³eespeve neslee nw~ yeejele Yeer Deeleer nw~ efkeÀvleg þerkeÀ mece³e Hej J³e³eOeeve Heæ[ peeves kesÀ keÀejCe Meeoer Deieues meeue kesÀ efue³es ìue peeleer nw~ symbolic mazar in salapura, Varanasi with malik Afzal Alvi- from Rajghat to Chaukaghat. He was also killed during spreading of Islam. Because of Alvi- the Mohalla known as Alyipura- later Alyeepur ( DeueF&Hegj ) lots of Mallah & Khewat ware made Muslims-
nces ve ceeue -Dees-oewuele ®eeefn³es, ve ngkegÀcele Je meuelevele nce Deuueen kesÀ efue³es Deuueen kesÀ yevoes keÀes FvmeeHeÀ efoueeves Je GvnW veskeÀ jemleeW Hej ®eueeves kesÀ efue³es Dee³es nw~
At one time I thought that on the impending attack of the killers of Raja Bannar of Kashi (Gaharwar) the Raghuvanshi ‘king of Ayodhya must have taken the flight from Ayodhya- but the dates differ by about one hundred years, except that there could not have been any king in Benares in 1207 to offer his daughter’s hands to Maharaj Nain Deo (Bindumati) when he gave away Dobhi and Katehar to the Raghuvanshi King in dowry.
However, as Ghazi Main perished in “Suhelwa” forest and Malik Afzal Alvi in Rajghat, may be Banar was not the king slain by Ghazi Mian and it could have been one of his fore- fathers and the dynasty continued, yet, in Varanasi- because it was Harish Chandra who was the last Gaharwar king in eastern U.P. (lost on the border of U.P. and Bihar) and Banar and Raghuvanshi king’s dynasties did survive past Ghazi Mian’s slaughter and only the Mathura Hindu dynasty was eliminated by him (Ghazi Mian).
Grant of Bayalasi to Rai Chan Singh Judeo
Banshi Kavi while writing the booklet on Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi, must have been devoid of the original work of his ancestors, thrown away by the Purohits of the early Raghuvanshi- settlers in Niyar-deeh –the wily Chaubeys and went about his task in “Bindas” manner (like myself today) supported by his good memory of the tales told by his ancestors without the help of written documents, writing “Shah Jahan” and “Delhi” where Rai Chan Singh Judeo is supposed to have visited to show- off his valour , and Banshi Kavi, while writing about his valour. However while writing my paper on “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Dev” (1999) for ICHR, I read about the Sharkee dynasty (Afgans) rule about Jaunpur being an independent Sultanait, as was Delhi and the Moghals came in 1526 or so with the end of Ghulams, Khiljis, Tuglaques, Lodies Sultanait. Baber had a brief rule and Humayun was born to him to play the game of hide and seek with Sher Shah. Sher Shah was in the stables of Doman Deo as an youngster, run away in ire over his father’s love for his fourth mother and her son. On the other hand Doman Deo was the second son of “Uga Thakurayee” the fifth son of Rai Uday Chand singh , the third brother of the eldest son of Rai Khemraj Singh , viz maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo, so at least 25x2 =50 year or 19 ½ x2 =39 years ago. As fixed by my then deep study and calculations Sher Shah as “Siyarua” was an attendant in Doman Deo’s stables between 1501 and 1515, when he was also engaged in plundering on river Sai in Jaunpur, during nights (and slept during days as caught by Doman Deo) and as reported to Akbar on a horse back journey by the Court-historian, who also served Sher Shah (I think I have mentioned this in my ICHR- paper) which I have yet to locate in ICHR book of proceedings or in my Kaithi Archives disheveled by my good wife and her attending Mallahins of the house- hold.
Sees Chand Judeo was the eldest cousin of Raja Doman Deo or in other words, Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo was the eldest brother of Doman Deo’s grand father Rai Uday Chand Singh. So fifty years or thirty nine or forty years earlier than 1501 or at least from the time Doman Deo was an adult and owner of a horse’s stable. No doubt you find Doman Deo engaged with Sher Shah’s Commander-in-Chief around 1545 and being installed as Raghuvansh-Shiromani and the first among all raghuvanshies of Dobhi and Katehar on the return of Sher Shah from Bengal expedition of five years (if I remember my history correctly) . Doman Deo could easily have been eighty years old at the time of being installed a “Rajah” of Raghuvanshi settlers in Varanasi and Jaunpur.
As reported by Vijay, the Raghuvanshy gentleman from Dobhi (I think Sri Rakesh Singh ) raised objection to the linking and ancestory of the present “Sees Chand Judeo” and Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo and allowed only 20 years for a generation (actually the historians allow only 19 ½ years for one generation) . But the Hindus give leeway of 25 years. In my opinion, on study of Raghuvanshies of Katehar, specially, Sees Chand’s descendants in Kaithi, one should allow even 30 years for a generation. Maha Yogi Bharat Singh, son of the last name in “Sajara” (the G. table) Ram Sunder Singh the fourteenth generation living in the house of Sees Chand Judeo, lived all of 110 (one Hundred and ten years) and his father came to attend the Terhi of his son who died on 6th of Dec. 1944 at the ripe old age of 110 after consuming toxic preparation of poisonous gourd (halwa) which was the “Prasad” of Thakurji for the “Ekadashi” fasting.
Some one did recognize the sadhu who said “oh! Bharat is dead” and by the time his grandson and great grand sons came rushing out of the house, he was gone- ,vanished in thin air, as the phrase goes. So how old must have been Ram Sunder Singh on 6th of Dec. 1944? A 135 or 130 years old Bharat Singh’s grand son failed me when got himself unnecessarily operated upon (great faith in modern surgery) for prostrate gland and kicked the bucket 15 years short of his grand father’s age, having lived nearly entire twentieth century all on is own. Another of his two contemporaries lived to be hundred also from Sees Chand’s family tree- but from the youngest of the four brothers and living in another house. Younger brothers just left the main edifice built by sees Chand and made separate households over last five hundred years, leaving the main house for the eldest son and his eldest son onwards. Despite the fact that Bhagwan Ram ruled out law of primogeniture amongst the Raghuvanshies- however, he did not ask them to destroy or disintegrate the house of Ikschawakets of Ayodhya.
So allotting only 19 ½ years for one generation to the Raghuvanshies of Kaithi and particularly to the house of Sees Chand, would not be fair. And as such from Sees Chand and twenty generations after him (till date), we should readily allot 25 years to each generation on an average. As is done otherwise, for one generation to Sees Chand Mansion’s inception –i.e. 25 x 20 = 500 years. That tallies with history of Doman Deo and Sher Shah (1501- 1515) as per Banshi Kavi and also as per my ICHR paper, making Sees Chand to be a contemporary and eldest brother (Cousin) of Tara Chand and Doman Deo sons of Uga Thakurai and grand son of Rai Uday Chand Singh, who was the youngest brother of Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo. And obviously his time would be a fifty years before that which comes out to be 1450. According to Banshi Kavi his time is 1660 A.D., when he should have proceeded to Delhi. Babar sat on Delhi throne in 1526 A.D. and Humayun many years after him, becoming contemporary of ‘Sher Shah, and taking over a little after Sher Shah’s death in the blast in Kalinger at the age of 60 years. That would be 1546 or thereabouts (It can be verified from any text book on history) so, surely, Rai Chan Singh Judeo, could not have met Shah Jahan to test his velour. Banshi Kavi has erred and treated history like me, more on hearsay rather than testing exact dates and rulers thereof.
I feel Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo must have gone to the Sultan of Jaunpur and spoken to him for testing his valour. He may have even stayed in his service for a while and was then granted the Jagir of “Bayalasee” for his valour and services. I think the Jaunpur Sultanait was ruled by Sharkee dynasty at that point of time. And around 1545, Doman Deo Supposed to have given “Bayalasee” away to Bais Rajputs. So according to Banshi Kavi Doman Deo gave away “Bayalasee” before Rai Chan Singh ever received it. So may be Rai Chan Singh did actually go to whatever ruler at the age of 5+12 =17 years i.e. 1450 or 1460 A.D. So may be Doman Deo’s visit to Delhi to attend the Court of Sher Shah is really fictitious. But he gave it away any way denying the ownership of “Bayalasee” to Sees Chand (by the virtue of birth in the house of Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo- as the first born to a first born Madan Chand). By then surely he must have attained the “Raghuvansh Siromani” title from Sher Shah and executed his power by denying “Sees Chand” what was his grand father’s achievement ; only a few years ago or two generations back.
Fixing dates to check table
Maharaj Deo Kunwar Singh came to Deoray in (1380-50)
= 1325 A.D.
Bhuj Rai Birhaj Rai (1348 AD )
Ganesh Rai (Dobhi) Pukar Rai
1365 A.D.
Continuing
Built ‘Kot’ Niyar
Expelled Seories
Rai Khemraj Singh
(1390 A.D.)
Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo
(1415 A.D.)
Sees Chand
(1465 A.D.)
Baba Pukar Rai came to Niyardeeh and built a Kot and “Chabutara” in 1365 A.D. let us presume he must have been 25 years old i.e. born 1340 A.D. Rai Khemraj Singh’s birth year should be 1365 A.D. i.e. 1390 + 57 = 1447 S. i.e. Samvat 1450 and not 1603 (as per Banshi Kavi) There is a difference of 70 years. If 57 is added to 1460 it come to 1517 A.D. shown as the birth year of Rai Chan Singh by Banshi Kavi. The anomaly seem to have occurred owing to conversion of samvat to Anno Domini and vice- versa, many times over, or mistaking one for the other in rag-tag old scriptures.
Whether Rai Chan Singh Judeo did ever meet Shahjahan?
Going by the birth of Jahanara the famous daughter of Shahjahan which is 1.4.1614 at the age of 22 years of Prince Sultan Khurram Jahangir’s third son. Hence the year of Shahjahan’s birth comes out to be 1592. Jahangir died on 28.10.1627 and Shahjahan become the ruler and was well till 7.6.1931 before Mumtaz Mahal died in child birth. After that Shahjahan was always in deep shock and disconsolate. He could barely attend to his court duties. So after 7.6.1631, he could not have attended to any young man (Rai Chan Singh) come to show-off his valour. If Rai Chan Singh did actually visit Shahjahan, it had to be between 1627 & 1631. if true Rai Chan Singh may have been a young man between 27 and 31, hence should have been born in 1600 A.D.
So the dates given by Banshi Kavi (Page 20 of the new edition) as a story of 1603 samvat, 1660 A.D. is a misprint and it could be meaning to say Rai Chan Singh’s period as 1603 to 1660 A.D.
But that belies all the dates given by Banshi Kavi, e.g. Samvat 1380 when Deo Kunwar Judeo came to “Deorayee”. And 55 year later his grand son Baba Pukar Rai settled in Niyardeeh after defeating Seories, the local tribals, i.e. Samvat 1435. Pukar Rai eldest son Rai Khemraj Singh can be given another 25 years to have been born from Samvat 1435 (on settlement of Niyardeeh) to 1460 Samvat and his eldest son Rai Chan Singh may be presumed to be born in 1485 Samvat and may have come to Kaithi to meditate on the banks of Ganga around 1490 Samvat. Then the story of Shershah in the Court of Doman Deo gains some credence but the mention of Banshi Kavi about Rai Chan Singh meeting Shahjahan in Delhi is faulty. However, there is no doubt he was indeed awarded the estate of Pargana Bayalasee, as later it was given away to “Bais” Rajputs by Doman Dev- when he visited the Court of Shershah which must been between (1540-1545) i.e. within five years of Shershah’s Delhi rule. Now who gave Pargana Bayalasee to Rai Chan Singh must have been a Ruler of the Sharkee Dynasty at Janupur Sultanait. And Doman Deo giving it away may have been justified as by then it was `under the domain of Delhi , the Sharkee dynasty and Janupur Sultanait having fallen and another Afghan at the helms of the affairs at Delhi viz. Shershah dynasty .. We must check the dates of fall of Sharkee dynasty and Sultanait’s amalgamation with Delhi sovereignty , in the history books, at a later date and analyse further the reason for donation of Pargana Bayalasee by Doman Deo to Bais Rajputs, of something that did not belong to him rightfully, a property of Sees Chand.
How close were Sees Chand and Doman Deo?
If it were 25 years ago, I could simply give the example of Rishabh Deo and Chandra Deo, whose grand fathers were brothers, living in the house of their great grand father Ram Sunder Singh in the fourteenth generation of Sees Chand, living in his house continually all along to illustrate the relation –ship of Sees Chand and Doman Deo. Fathers of Sees chand and Doman Deo were brothers living in the house of their great grand father Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo, who may have lived in the house of Baba Pukar Rai in Niyardeeh or may have moved-on to Ajgara & Dharauhara near Chaubepur P.S. (and not in Chandauli). But it is unlikely that Baba Pukar Rai would permit his first born to wander away in his domain of Pargana Katehar to establish new pastures. It is more likely that the reign of newly built “Kot” (Residence on a raised level surrounded by water channels) to be kept in tact as a symbol of unity of the twelve brothers and for the safety, security and comfort of the three queen mothers (Maharani Mriga, Shukana and Asmal) and the wives of perhaps all the twelve brothers, (initially- when they must have ventured out to Ajagara, Kaithi, Dharahara, Chandravati, Rampur, Tekuri, Rajwari, Nurdipur, Tarayen, Kaithor, Kukhali, Tala Babiyon, Parana Patti, Laxmi Chand ka Pura , Khardanha, Hardasipur, Dhusa-Kapura, Hathiyar, Bandawa, Pandrachha Rehari, Rajala Nevada, Bahiri, Kopa khutanha, Bhatpurwa, Sinhpur, Lovabeg, Muskabad, Munari, Gadsera, Rauna, Parbatpur, Dubhkinya, Tarnya, Piyaree, Umaranha, Handia-Deeh, Tanda, Ramgarh, Bela, Kharauna, Sidhauna, Fardaha, Anauni, Itahua, Pokhara, Amena, Aili Bhagwan Singh, Dinapur, Rupnarain Singh, Badke Barthara, Kaithi of Tahsil Chandauli, Goharanha, Deranwa, Balua, Saray, Tarkagaon, Bela (Gangapur) Hardhan, Inda, Madanyiya Sarswal, Sidas Katari, Airyee, Laxmngarh, Bhandahan, Kodopur, Hariharpur Kadipur, Tetarpur, Gaura, Chitauni, Chitauna, Patar (Tajpur Dehma) Nadia (Bengal), Jaharanpur, Mohada, Dharsauna, Bandhe, Bhadanwa, Narkata, Singarpur, Balrampur, Sultanipur, Pahadpur, Mohandas Ka Pura, Rasada, Dherahi, Suari, MandaYEE, Daudpur, Chandepur- Unche-Ka-Pura, Mahmudpur, Bhaktauli, Barahpur, Kukhali, Bhandawa, Bhudkuda, Kuddari, Semara, Durmitanwa, Mangwalepur, Deoria) to drive away the seories and create fresh settlements for their survival over which their ancestor was granted suzerainty by the king of Varanasi. Some ventured far and some near and perhaps stayed in the nights at the Niyardeeh Kot, with their wives & mothers. However venturing out to Kaithi or Chandravati, there was not much chance of a daily sojourn back in the night to their grand-father’s house. So let us presume Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo must have been expected to look after the daily needs of Baba Pukar Rai’s household, and may not have been permitted to go gallivanting all over the Paragana of Katehar, even in the guise of settling yet another village snatched from the tribal. I can visualize him to be like Ram Rup Singh a great grand son of Ram Sunder Singh, looking after the needs of all his younger brothers.
So Rai Chan Singh must have traveled all the way from Niyardeeh kot to Kaithi for meditation on the banks of the holy river Ganges. So naturally one could surmise that his servants made a hutment for cooking his meals and rest during the nights. A spot so revered and taken to be the place to make home by his son Madan Chand, who may or may not have made a home there and returned to Niyardeeh or travelled to Delhi or Jaunpur (wherever) with his father or later looked-after the newly acquired Jagir of Pargana “Bayalasee” in Jaunpur. At the same time he may have returned to live with his son as Kaithi as the Kaithi Sazara starts with Madan Chand and his three sons, but according to the dialogue between Bharat Baba and Satya Narin Pandit, the house that Ram Rup Singh wanted Bharat Baba to rebuild on a larger Scale (expanded on three sides except north), as per the wishes of his Collector Mr. Moss was built by Sees Chand and not Madan Chand or Rai Chan Singh, who was the first person to come there. The land may have been first occupied by Rai Chan Singh, and it may have been his estate so as to allow access only to Madan Chand and then to Sees Chand who may have collected resources to establish the “PIND” (the Hindu concept of boundary) of the first house in Kaithi on the estate of Rai Chan Singh Judeo, a Jagirdar elsewhere.
Surely Doman Deo was to find the Second best place historically on the banks of the Ganges – Chandravati, where the first “Tirthankar” of the Jains- Rishabhdeo lived and meditated- although scriptures also speak of Ayodhya as his abode (as he was also a Raghuvanshi).
Doman Deo was the luckier of the two cousins as a Brahmin from Maharashtra came calculating (mathematically) in search of “Paras” Patthar (the magic stone which turns iron into Gold and bequeathed it to him as the more suitable candidate to keep the stone. Doman Deo was strong and found himself honor-bound to marry a damsel from the Ahir’s community who bore him five sons and ruled the entire Raghuvanshi house-hold with an iron hand, so much so that the Raghuvanshi follow the Customs even today established by that Iron lady Jalho, Mokal , Amma, Chand and Bariyasan singh were her five sons. However the Dobhi Raghuvanshies beguile themselves by calling us all as her own children. She was indeed our mother by the virtue of being married to Raja Doman Deo of Katehar, titled Raghuvansh Shiromani” by emperor Sher Shah in a Darbar held by him, after his return from Bengal expedition in 1545 (if I am not mistaken about the year. )
So Sees Chand’s importance as the senior most house of Katehar faded into insignificance by the glitter of the young Raghuvanshi prince in Chandravati, a second cousin to him. And the Raghuvanshies in Kaithi led a hard life of cultivating land and some times looting the barges coming back from Bengal laden with rice (something not grown on the table land of Kaithi or in its Tari (alluvial land-between Ganga & Gomti).
Ascendancy of Doman Deo continued unabated while Sees Chand struggled for frugal survival. They may have been one or two years apart in age and must have played and quarrelled as children in the household of their great grand father and great great grand father Rai Khemraj Singh and Baba Pukar Rai in Niyardeeh; at least for twenty years of their youth as they had no boarding house to go to like Rishabh Deo and Chandra Deo.
Surely there was some rapport between the two cousins, so as to embolden Sees Chand to hold the reins of doman Deo’s horse on Rajwari-Kaithi border and ask Doman Deo to stay away from 2292 Bighas of Sees Chand’s arable in Kaithi although appointed Raja of Katehar and Dobhi by the proclamation of Emperor Sher Shah and crowned “Raghuvanshi Siromani” by him. And Doman Deo equally affably granted the suzerainty of 2292 Bighas of Kaithi to his senior cousin Sees Chand without a moment’s hesitation on that very spot. We would wish Banshi Kavi’s ancestors had recorded more details on their relationship and how the limelight passed from the first house of Katehar to Doman Deo and general reaction among the Raghuvanshies of that era. Now, we have to depend on folk- tales and folk songs sung by old women when children are born in our houses, and stretch our imagination in cinematic style to recreate our recent history in order to remind our new generations of our need to survive for human good and welfare, mingling with the masses as was done by Maharaj Nain Deo son of Maharaj Veeram Deo of Ayodhya descendant of Maharaj Kari Rao- the 108th of the pious Raghuvanshi kings.
Chapter
As to what exactly was their status and bearings of Sees Chand’s descendants after fourteen generation of Kaithi settlement?
I may be the last person, other than my eldest brother now happily settled on Birunagla farm in Kichha (District Nainital), who could relate vaguely some features of the living standards of Babu Bharat Singh who was a son of Ram Sunder Singh the only person reaching the distinction of the fourteenth generation in the Sazra of Mauza Kaithi, Pargana Katehar, by virtue of being the eldest of the eldest of the eldest progeny occupying the house of Sees Chand (and obviously the younger brothers making their houses in convenient neighbourhood, naturally or by design or dictates (who knows?) of the eldest of the sons for fourteen generations at least. They may have been compensated in some way, apart from being provided land on plot No. 1328 earmarked for residences of the Raghuvanshi settlers and their servant’s quarters. By early twentieth century, each one of them was striving to make brick houses with small poorly ventilated and ill-lit houses owing to meager resources at their disposal. Even those who became rich by working in Hyderabad or Singapore preferred katchcha houses of two stories supported by brick support with wooden ceilings for keeping the houses cool in summers and warm in winters. Small verandahs were provided around the center courtyard needed for survival of women-folk during sultry nights to fill the houses with gusts of winds from Gomti at one end and Ganga at the other . Sometimes, the entire house (Bakhari) was devoted to storage of grains and seeds for the next crop, for instances Bharat Singh a great farmer had one full “Anjahiya Bakhari”. (the house for the farm-produce). And even our food was cooked there, after the “Rasoyeeghar” (Kitchen- apartments) were pulled down for making room for the construction of a new colonial styled house at the behest of Mr. Moss, the then collector of the new incumbent in civil services, Thakur Ram Rup Singh, after great persuasion of Bharat Baba by both the collector and his deputy.
I don’t want to forget the stories (so sweet to my ears) of Dashrath-bo Mallahin, who wasn’t the great favorite of my wife, so she used to find me and tell me the glorious days of Bharat Baba and even my own grand father, and the “Raj” of those days and even the magnanimity of my shrewd and strict grand mother (who was the most beautiful woman of her time as often spoken of by the forever handsome and dignified Ram Rup Singh- for whom beauty was a big consideration.)
All though I have indeed witnessed the unforgetable scenario prevailing in Bharat Singh’s household, I cannot describe it so lucidly and articulately as can Dasharath bo Mallahin, of the Khalihans (the grain thrashing plot in the fields) the plots measuring upto 15 acres in the alluvial areas measuring 600 lathas in lengths one latha equals 99” to 104” and crop cutting from 4 A.M. in the morning under the direct supervision of Bharat Singh when well over a hundred years old. although by now reduced to only 1 Annas in Kaithi-Khewat, (the share of a Co-parcenary in Zamindari rights, evolved by Jonathan Duncan under orders of Lord Cornwallis (who died in Ghazipur) for settling the Zamindari rights to Raghuvanshies on a corporate basis Bharat Singh was the finest farmer and practitioner of “Seer-Khudkast” in the entire Katehar. All the village used to depute their bullocks to somehow finish his thrashing of Ravi crops, before trains struck, as it was such a huge job that his own live –stock could never finish it in time. He did produce two maunds to a bigha in the alluvial land, enough oil seeds to be able to meet the expenses Ram Rup Singh in the Hewett Kshatriya High School and then in the University of Allahabad for his graduation culminating in his success in Civil Services Examinations of 1922.
Nevertheless he underplayed status to the prosperous gentry coming to him for the marriage of boys in the family, but surely all of eastern U.P. and Bihar knew that his was the most prominent house (not exactly in terms of the 1st house of Katehar) and the seat of the Raghuvanshy dynasty but certainly and colloquially in terms of “Takht” (the throne) of the Raghuvanshies as people of two three generations ago spoke in the eastern U.P. till the nineteen sixties (e.g. Raghuvansh Prasad Singh in Sasaram- a cousin of my wife to be married after one year or so.)
Growth of the Babu Gharana through the handsome earnings of Hazari Singh (Babu Jag Lal Singh) in Hyderabad estate, brought down the prominence of Sees Chand House in mid nineteenth century once more when a hermit like father of Bharat Singh and son of the 1857 martyr Jaipal Singh gave away large holdings of alluvial land (e.g. Survey No. 34 of 17 Bighas (17 lathas broad in width) to another household and because of the stigma of a slain father which eventually made him leave the house for ever (except to return just once on the demise of his 110 years old hermit son.) He had to go incognito (Maqboobul Khabar) whose whereabouts were not known, as enquiries would be made about his father whose name the great Maha-Yogi (as per Bhrigu-Sangita of pt. Parmeshwar Dwivedi) had the guile to change in the revenue records of 1883-84’s permanent settlement. The family was down and bested by close cousins in wealth and holdings and influence (who paid Rs. 9000/- revenue rent per year- one of the highest in Benares district of the yore) and name of Babu Bachcha Singh (Deep Narin Singh) son of Jag Lal Singh was mentioned in the Benares Gazetteer by the young British ICS Collectors. Their vast Zamindari gave another identity to Kaithi Raghuvanshies as the “Babuan” the landed gentry) a joke for other fifty seven households sharing 2292 Bighas, forever being fragmented from generation to generation by the early twentieth century sending a son to boarding school in Varanasi was tough economically and women-folk had to come in support of their sons through their parental presents and help.
By and by the intelligent youngsters made the grade with the help of the institution started by Rajarshi Udai Pratap Singh Judeo of Bhinga. I always express my gratitude to Raja C.K. Singh of Bhinga, for what his great grand father did for impoverished sons of Kings of Ayodhya only a simple recommendation from Principals Clarke or Capt. Long would ensure the entry of a lanky Raghuvanshi lad to the post of a Police Sub- Inspector. Others excelled in Civil Service examinations, but denied the I.C.S. owing to strict age-limit of 21 & 22 whereas city born boys become ICS even if standing second to the Raghuvanshi worthy (e.g. late Sri. K.N. Wanchoo who become Chief Justice of India) other than the three households of the “Babus”. (who were already living in style) also started showing improvement in life- style, clothing and city dwelling (from where they were won’t to return to their home-land). Mostly Bajra and barley was used for chapattis with plenty of Arhar dal (lentil) which they grew plentiful on their land. Milk was in abundance ghee and butter and curds was supplied by the Yadavas community, who helped in cultivation also. Delicacies of ‘Tilkut’ was so unique that I recognized it to be a product of my village, eating a “Tilkut” in Varanasi twenty years after having left the village (on the demise of my father). The DMET Bombay cadets used to clamour for “Chana-barfi” made from the inside pulp of green gram and pasteurized milk that one could mistake it for ‘Pistachio barfi’. Hordes of Malahins used their dirty nails for removing the skin of green-gram to get to the soft pulp inside, a painstaking job. Those were the fringe benefits of living in the house of Sees Chand. But how can I forgot (perhaps owing to my diabetes) the glorious “Churma” of jaggery, hot ghee for dipping (and soaking) rotund Bazra litties (round baked bread) crushing It with jaggery to create out of the world delicacy of the people living on the rough and tumble terrain where flows the life sustaining and eternally blissful mother Ganges.
The Ganges has always played a big role in the life of the Raghuvanshies. The world has now acknowledged Dileep, Ambarish and Bhagirath as the first civil Engineers to turn the tide of the Ganga from east to west at its source, the Gangotri, to bring life giving stream to the hot and dusty bowl of the great Indian plains. Of recent Rai Chan Singh Judeo worshiped the Ganga in Kaithi and received the legendry “Tega” (sort of a sword) to show his valour to a King Emperor (certainly not Shahjahan as described by our Bard Banshi Kavi- as the glorious years of that emperor (Oct. 28, 1627 to June 7, 1631) coincides with the times of Sri Kishun or his son Narsinh Bhan, seven generations after Rai Chan Singh Judeo- see genealogical table of Sees Chand) and receive the grant of Pargana Bayalasi. Then a cousin of Sees Chand, Raja Doman Deo was able to flee from the clutches of Shershah Suri’s Commander-in –chief owing to the sudden flash floods in the river to block the troops of the C-in-C perusing Doman Deo on the river from Kutighat at Kaithi. Doman Deo established another settlement at Laxamangrh across the river, after his mud-fortress of Chandravati was demolished by the infuriated General. Later In the times of Bharat Singh people rendered the Ganga so much that they dare not use the Ganga-waters for toilet purpose and water from the wells was kept ready by the servants for that purpose. From young to old all bathed in Ganga and took the holy water to cool and rever Lord Shiva, the reigning deity by the name of Markandey Mahadev- one of the twelve original Adi (ancient) Lings (idols) and he blessed them with prosperity and well- being since the time Rai Chan Singh Judeo came to Kaithi at the age of five. The river gave us immense happiness beginning early morning when we swam for hours and had a jumping platform at Raja-ka Ghat on which one ran at full speed and jumped in the deep gorge as if jumping from a diving board of a swimming pool. The water was crystal clear only as recently as in early fifties of the last century. In summers we often crossed the somewhat narrowed stream to eat water-melons across the river and it become quite dark when we returned home and out of fear of my strict mother I simply ate and slept across the street at my favorite uncle’s place, until my father came back from the town (generally the Kutchery) and took me home. No mother would hit or could scold a sleepy child- so crossing the Ganges at age eleven (and returning also by swimming) and go scot-free. That was life, until of course, my father died at age 34, by poisoning . I was simply shattered. My agony knew no bound and I was not ready to leave the house of Sees Chand at the age of thirteen to go to Nainital, where my uncle was a Divisional Commissioner and my cousins had a eleven hundred acres farm in Kichha and Hazaratpur. Things deteriorated rapidly and badly as everyone wanted to see an end to the glory and prosperity of the great house of Bharat Singh the revered sage, the most successful farmer in the entire Katehar, the Senior most member and the direct lineal descendant of Sees Chand and Rai Chan Singh Judeo, who came to Kaithi in the middle of the fifteenth century. The history of the 1st House of Katehar, of more than five hundred years had reached the culmination point. A grand nephew of the sage was bent upon squandering his share of property in the land and wanted to de-alienate from the House of Sees Chand that he sold his share to me and my uncle on 8.11.54 for a pittance and vacated the grand house for building another palace somewhere else. Then came the turn of Ram Rup Singh, Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh to get rid of the burden of the Rai Chan Singh estate in Kaithi, first by giving a dolly present to a co-brother-in-law in the village, surely at the behest of my aunt, whose sisters family was out-pouring from their own abode in our back-yard.
The return of the prodigal –Son
The price was fixed. The dates of House-warming and Registry were marked, but a chance (of destiny) visit of my kaka (uncle who left our House) to 21, Vidhan Sabha Marg (the one time House of the Secretary of State for the Govt. of India) our bungalow in Lucknow and in response to my warmth shown to him, his valuable utterances to my heart more than to my mind, made me quit my job to resurrect, rebuild, repair and rehabilitate the old house of Sees Chand at the cost of U.S. $ 3000.00 per month for next twenty years. My dear brother and his good lady may recall my telegram to my uncle in New Delhi of my grandiose announcement of arriving to salvage the Kaithi-property. Little did I know then that It was my umbilical-chord with the House of Sees Chand that had brought me back to Kaithi and not the hundred bighas of Seer Khudkasht of Bharat Singh (after partition with his brother’s son- who was on the spending spree). Al though I did every thing for the House, spent all my money received in my marriage ceremony,got bricks,steel and cement from my in–laws, painted and brushed the beautiful teak doors, made the courtyard anew for rain-water outlet, repaired the roof every year, removed leaky half-complete brick-walls from the first floor and used steel and concrete to cast a waterproof wall- base on the 1st floor and secured the house tight for next two generations, but I did not know that this alone was the purpose of my life and the rest was all by the way, which dawned upon me at the time of the last ceremonies of my mother, at the time of the last rites of the lady who hated the house the most, for keeping her away from the hub-hub of Varanasi town where she was brought up, who hated the water drainage system of the Courtyard (Which I got fixed in a jiffy, after a survey and inspection of the drilled stone block all the way out of the house (because I had a positive feeling for the house). But by now, my good lady has spent all my newly acquired U.S. dollars in ten years sailing on twenty ships of as many companies of the foreign owners. I felt like a lame duck. I had become diabetic and was already sixty five years old. Then came the lady with a luck and I got myself fixed again, with some what subdued temper and with a mission. I have to now see how far I do succeed in my mission in short span of my life that has been granted by the astrologers. Now when I could do something I am running short of time. I have wasted so much time, just sleeping it away (for lack of funds to be able to do something) or in the coffee House of LKO with good for nothing and forever hopeful politicians, in the Boat house club, or on the Golf Course in persuit of things that the rich men do only to while-away their time and spend their money.
So here I am serving on a ship again, saving for Sees Chand’s name, fame and most of all his House, where I too was born. My wife thinks I want more money so that I could marry my younger daughter off to an IAS officer or something. And I have to save my money from my good lady, or else she will start on the fourth floor of her grand villa in the town. Why all these ladies want to go to the town? And desert Sees Chand and his beautiful House, on sprawling Rai Chan Singh estate, when ultra modern Romeos dating Divina lock-heeds to Marie clad lelangs, driving down to Switzerland in sleek automobile hired from Hertz in Genoa and Venetzia, can leave the European continent just like that and come and sleep on bare cots but from the adjoining house-hold? They are all called “Baba” or the sage, may it be Baba Pukar Rai or Baba Doman Deo (until Shershah Suri crowned him on his return from Bangal expedition and apologized for his commander-in-chief’s insolence) or Bharat Baba and Ram Sunder Baba, because the last king of Ayodhya had denounced the kingdom and kinghood (as to why is still not clear to me as there exists a gap of a hundred years between the dates of Maharaj Nain Deo leaving Ayodhya and Syed Salar Jung-Ghazi Mian’s resolve to kill five great Hindu kings of Mathura, Kashi & Ayodhya where he was slain himself by Suhel Deo) and came to Benares or Kashi, which was either his in- laws kingdom or became that after king’s daughter Bindumati was enamoured by the aging sage from Ayodhya , whom she was allowed to serve as a maiden. So it was writ that since the kingdom of Ayodhya was given-up all Raghuvanshies should live the life of a hermit but the ladies like Bindumati and Rani Mriga did not allow that sort of hardship either for themselves or for their children. Bindumati got the grant of Dobhi and Katehar for her consort, like Rani Mriga got the fighting force of Raja Balrampur to chase away the “Seories” from the selected areas of Katehar to allow her grand children to settle in Kaithi, Chandravati and other places, like, kharauna Gopalpur, Rampur, Tekuri and Nurdipur while Baba Pukar Rai had a ‘Kot’ – a small earthen fortress built and constructed a House for the safety of his three queens and twelve sons and numerous grand-children, from where Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo operated and sent away his brothers, sons, and nephews to conquer new fields for their cultivation for their families sustenance. They had horses, as the confrontation of Sees Chand and Doman Deo took place while at least Doman Deo was seated on a horse back. Agin even in the mid-eighteenth century, when Raja Balwant Singh of RamNagar was sacking villages after villages in Mirzapur Jaunpur and Varanasi the Raghuvanshies of Katehar operated on a Corporate basis and maintained a military force of Cavalry and foot soldiers, more likely in defense of their own existence in Katehar from the new Jagirdar of 96 Parganas under the Nawab of Avadh to whom the writ of Raja Banar or the proclaimation or “Sanad’ of Emperor Sher Shah Suri favouring the Raghuvanshies did not matter one bit and sacked they would be if they can be by the midnight slaughter of marauding forced of Raja Balwant Singh son of Mansha Ram a vassal of the hard drinking and debauch Mansabdar , always in deficit of payment of the annual rent of seven lakhs to the Nawab of Awadh, hence removed and killed on the river barge and pushed in water in a drunken stupor, making a new Zagirdar, (Mansha Ram) who survived only a year, the reins taken over by his able son, a brilliant military man, administrator wily rent-payer and great benefactor of his own people (kith and kin mostly). He even antagonized his chieftens by marrying a Raghuvanshi princess who made her son the Raja overcoming all obstacles of the nobility of Garh Gangapur. Although he did sack Hariharpur (in Dobhi), Raja Balwant Singh wanted truce with the original settlers (after seories) of Dobhi and Katehar the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya. Surely the Harihrpur princess was a legendry beauty and was denied his overtures by her father. But at the same time element of fear of the Raghuvanshi Cavalry and fighting forces was clearly writ on his later day actions of just leaving the settlers of Katehar alone. Not one village is recorded as being sacked in Katehar by Raja Balwant Singh, though I know one or two village of Katehar which was indeed the victim of Raja Balwant Singh’s grand design, which spread across the ninety –six parganas of his domain- which is like the old Benares Commissioneriat, it including Mirzapur, Jaunpur, Ghazipur and Ballia Districts and now two or three Commissionaries of Mirzapur, Varanasi and Azamgarh from one end to another.
At that stage as Jonathan Duncan postulates ,later that the Raghuvanshies must have created a Corporate nature of their Zamindari or landed holdings in Katehar and appointed Lambardars for collecting revenues rent from all the Co-parceners and deposit it with the ‘Amils’ (contractors before Cornwallis’ permanent settlement) if the Amils (40 for 96 parganas) had the superior force to enter a Raghuvanshi hamlet. I cannot imagine th ‘Amils’ operating in Kaithi, Rampur of Tekuri. Duncan and Cornwallis(he came twice and died in Ghazipur) may have devised the means of calling the bluff of the Raghuvanshy war-lords (thanks to Shershah crowning Doman Deo with a proclamation of both Dobhi and Katehar as rent free holdings of the Raghuvanshies (Check Cornell University Archives for that ‘Sanad’ as described by Mr. R.C. Singh former Director of Archaeological Survey Deptt. As sovereign cultivators backed by the cavalry and the foot soldiers (Numbers are given in the Records of India House, London in the Report of the Agent in Varanasi to the Governor General in Council at Calcutta of the Corporate nature of Taluquedari (Ducan may have picked the term from the Taluquedari system prevalent in Awadh) of Pargana Katehar. Cornwallis sent Duncan to this area promising what Raja Todar Mal and the finest Revenue administrators like Shershah failed to accomplish –to put the land permanently (covered by self liquidating mortgage) in the name of the cultivators. A written and genuine record of sorts and the simple minded Raghuvanshies of the Yore, were delighted and fell for the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis. What Shershah and Todar Mal and ‘Amils’ and Raja Balwant Singh could not achieve the wily British achieved and even today it is hailed as a land-mark in revenue administration, the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis . It was done upto Jaunpur limits when Lord Cornwallis died and stopped short of reaching the Taluquedars of Awadh. So the “Seer Khudkasht” Zamindars of the reknowned Permanent Settlement (or Istamarari or Duncani - Bandobast) started paying rent to the District Collectors of the John Company Sahab Bahadur. What a joke ! what was proclaimed as a free-hold by Sher Shah, become a “Seer Khudkasht” and happily everyone paid the cess.
Zamindari rights Sarmuayeeam However, the quinquennial and octennial settlements of the alluvial lands between two Zamindars on the either side of a river (kharauna, and Kusahni etc. across river Gomti ,for instance) was included in the holdings of Raghuvanshies from Pandeys of Bhaidaora, and our co-parceners the Raghuvanshies –Zamindars of Rampur and Tekuri. Shiv Ratan Singh must have been the occupant in the house of Sees Chand.,at that time. He was some one special even to Bharat Singh (Baba) as in the annals of the Pandas of Gaya –he mentions his name as Dada (Which could be for great grand father) and not of Baba (Grand father) Jaipal Singh. I may get something later, to dwell upon my paper read in ICHR’s Kurukshetra University session in the late seventies. The division of quinquennial settlement also had to be done around 1840 and names of his three brothers Shiv Sahay Singh, Shiv Ram Singh , and Shiv Shanker Singh were entered in the revenue records, but being the eldest and his son Jaipal Singh having joined the forces of veer Senani Babu Kunwar Singh, his grandson Ram Sunder Simgh’s name appears along side with that of his three grand-fathers. The fourteenth generation of the eldest sons lived at the same time when other’s twelve or eleventh generation was their contemporary, like Babu Ganga Prasad Singh son of Buddhan Singh (eldest brother of Jag Lal Singh alias Hazari Singh of Hydrabad fame, but the name of Deep Narain Singh alias Bachcha Singh does not appear in the “Sazra” of Mauza Kaithi around 1840 (the main Genealogical table). In fact the youngest brother of Sees Chand, Laxmi Chand’s only eleveth generation was the contemporary of Sees Chand’s fourteenth generation Ram Sunder Singh .. Having been given only one and a half Anna in the “Khewat” (Zemindari rights in U.P.) this was also the time that the eleventh generation of Laxmi Chand left Kaithi and settled near Tekuri, calling the hamlet as “Laxmi Chand Ka Pura”. They too are extinct now.
I understand that (and even from my own experience in the seventies, rubbing shoulders with mighty and rich family harvested cousins) in the alluvial lands new settlements every five or tem years (e.g. 1883-84, 1901, 1934 and 1945-46) the presence on the spot with the Patwaries and Kanungos of the younger generation of the Zamindars mattered equally as much as the share in the “khewat” as it was question of showing physical possession of the land that had accrued than just the automatic accretion in front of one’s plot having the settlement Number or additional quinquennial settlement numbers. Some hotchpotch can be noted and seen by reading the old settlement records’ transaction from Urdu. But people of those days really did not mind a few acres being usurped by a needy cousin being in possession of fewer pies (196 to a rupee of the khewat). However. Here it should suffice to illustrate that by now sons and grand sons of Baba Pukar Rai and Rani Mriga were well-versed in the art of cultivation and land-management while ostensibly maintaining the veneer of a Zamindar of the permanent settlement. It is necessary for me to write on the topic for future generations sake for them to understand the various G.O.S. of the Govt. (Revenue Secretary- G.C. Chaturved’s to Atahar Hussain’s) that they are not fooled by the Patwaries and Kanungos and greedy land-grabbers from across the river. I have already got a name for the book “Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial Mahal of Kaithi”. Soon after this work I wish to collect all my papers of twenty-five years and finish the work.
Pre –eminence of Bharat Singh
Although Pd. Parmeshwar Dwivedi described him as a Maha Yogi reading Ram Rup Singh’s Bhrigu –Sanhita, but my great grandfather was well-versed in all worldly ways. Starting from making an appeal in the case of Mussammat Hansa Kunwar (his mother) vs. Ganga Prasad Singh case No.1 of July 1901 for partition of zamindar’s dwellings as everything belonged to the person living in Sees Chand Mansion and at that time her husband having become “Maqboobal Khaner” after the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh in 1857 uprising against the East India company and for saving the property for Bharat Singh (there were two people of Village Kaithi, one from Chhayee and another Jaipal Singh who must have been black-listed by the British) and for the future of the family. The fact that she was a grand nephew’s consort (Hansa Kunwar) yet permission was required for building a house or a dwelling for servants or “Bailwa” (enclosure for the cattle) was being resented by the nuovarich cousins and the “Babu-Gharana” as it was , later, known to be. So Babu Ganga Prasad Singh made-out a suit in the court of S.D.M. and 1st Class Magistrate for partition of the holdings of the House of Sees Chand. Names of the persons of the persons in possession of the land and plots with actual measurements were entered in the records of the Tahsil and large coloured maps were made and kept in the Revenue Record-room, which came handy to me in the seventies and I took copy of the “Taqseem” of the Zamindars of Kaithi, which was honoured as a separate entity by the U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act of 1950, other than the cultivable land of which we the Zamindars become the “Bhumidhars” , vesting all our rights into the Government of Uttar Pradesh (Provincial Govt.) on 1st July 1952 (at midnight of 30th June 1952-when all the Revenue Papers (Basta) of the Patwaries (record –keepers of the villages under Tahsil) were confiscated by the S.D.Ms. by the order of the then Congress Chief Minister Pt. Govind Ballabh Pant on Radio so that no false entries were recorded as before 1359 Fasli. Talking of Bharat Singh again, the old Maha Yogi, had the worldly-wise sense of making an appeal to the allotment of certain plots as wrong and the case was Bharat Singh vs. Deep Narain Singh decided in 1904, the record of which was maintained by Babu Girish Chand Singh, a grand-son of Babu Ganga Prasad Singh. People had forgotten the old dowager princess of the House of Sees Chand was pushed in the background (as she must have expired between 1st July 1901 and 1904-when Bharat Singh appealed) and the Taqseem (partition) between the Zamindars became known as partition between Bharat Singh and Deep Chand Singh.
Later in the case of the ownership of the Markandey Mahadeo Temple in 1934. which was being claimed by the Gosains against the Zamindars of Kaithi. Bharat Singh had turned quite old and aged (born 1840) and had become much more devoted to Mahadeo, that he refused to testify in favour of the plea taken by Babu Baldeo Singh (son of Babu Ganga Prasad Singh) and other Zamindars that the Gossains were our Servants instead he declared them as servants of the “Baba” (meaning Mahadeo), which however was ruled in our favour as only the offerings on the “idol” of Mahadeo was to go to the Gossains. Actually all the Gossains in the Bazar upto the river Ganges lived on the land of Bharat Singh and he definitely had a soft corner for their lot. Later the High Court ruling was also in our favour and the Gossain Community did not bring it out even on my pleadings when the Gossains were facing the wrath of a B.J.P. Minister and were about to loose all their earnings to the S.D.M. Later the High Court held the recorded statement of Bharat Singh in high esteem and gave a favourable ruling to the Zamindars.
Gandhi and Bharat Singh : Congress historians can tell the exact date when Mahatma Gandhi passed from our village (it must have been around 34) wanting to cross the Ganges to go to Tanda etc. All the village was agog and lined-up on the Ganga ferry-ghat to see Gandhi Baba but Bharat Singh had not arrived yet, having wished to meet Gandhi- when he heard of his coming. So Gandhi sat in the boat along with all the Congressmen asking the boatmen to move- but to no avail. They were told that their own Baba wants to meet Gandhi Baba and he was coming. So thanks to Ganga and the fishermen (also inhabitants of his land) Gandhi with all his paraphernalia was kept waiting till the time the grand old man (6’-1”, ram-rod and muscular with Bhabhut on the body) appeared and walked to the Ganga ghat where the Mahatma was sitting. Mahatma Gandhi stood up with folded hands and Bharat Baba greeted similarly, the great men then turned back (without saying a word to each other) and the convoy started to cross the Ganges on their whirl-wind tour across in Chandauli Tahsil.
Nehru also held a meeting under Pakri in between Bazar and Primary School and needles to tell Bharat Baba was made to preside, as arranged by his influential cousins, specially Babu Baldeo Singh. Meeting of Rai Bahadur Hanumant Singh of Kuri-Sidhauli estate with Bharat Singh was of some consequence to his grand-son as the tie-knot of Ram Rup Singh was adjusted by the Scion of Kuri Sidhauli estate, who had gone to Kaithi in a marriage party and had the darshan (audience) of Bharat Singh. That could have been the reason for topping the list of successful candidates, which had brilliant scholars of the caliber of pt. Manna Lal Tewari C.B. Gupta’s favourite) and pt. S.N.M. Tripathi, the Gorakhpur patron saint (after retirement).
Collector Moss & Bharat Singh District Magistrate of Ghazipur in the late twenties and early thirties who passed Bharat Singh’s Chabutara, going to call on the Divisional Commissioner in Varanasi, and made it a point to stop-by to meet the grand-father of his deputy (Ram Rup Singh ) and gladly accepted the rich creamy milk done on show-heat of a “Borsi” (earthen Chulha- and also in an earthen- cooking bowl burning cowdung cakes) and demanded a glassful of the same on his return late in the night. The entire neighborhood kept awake & agog waiting for the I.C.S. officer to offer him his glass of milk, in return for which he recommended Ram Rup Singh for the title of Rai Saheb, Soonest so from Rai Khemraj Singh and Rai Chan Singh, the destiny made their descendant a Rai Saheb, properly administered by Lord Victor Linlithgo, the Viceroy of India. So this is the story of the 1st House of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, of the descendants of the first born of Baba Pukar Rai and Maharani, Mriga by name of Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo to his son who went to Kaithi at the age of five and left the estate to his son, whose son built a house on the estate of his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo, while he enjoyed , the fruits of his valour in the form of the estate of “Bayalisee” in Jaunpur. The reader must take into account my raisson d’tre for penning down this treatise and forgive me for wavering and inconsistency in the tale of the 1st House of Katehar, as for veering again and again to the theme of “Sees Cjand Mansion “ in Kaithi. After hearing tales of the construction of the latest edition of this great living edifice of the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya migrating to Varanasi; I am myself wonder-struck of my findings, so crucial in the history of survival of the important Hindu dynasties during the Moghul rule of the country, and only the ignomity of the oblivion saved the race’s, oldest dynasty and the religion. It is the “Sees Chand Mansion” and my Umblical- chord attached to it that has made this story possible, although the great man (Bharat Baba) was against demolition of the “Kuchcha Bakhari” (the old mud and earthen edifice of two stories) as he feared greed for the house itself will result in internecine bickerings amongst his descendents, but he could not say no to collector Moss and allowed the demolition while putting his son on the night vigil to guard the foundation limits (Pind) while Satya Narain Pandit made sure that not one inch diversion from the “Pind” (sacred limits) of the original foundation of the House of Sees Chand took place.
I am grateful for this information coming to me from the son of Pt. Satya Narain Pandey- during a discussion about the abandoned (for twenty years) House in front of another of my uncles who had the priviledge of being born in earlier edition of the Sees Chand Mansion.
So this house was in fact destined to last from Rai Chan Singh to Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh , who decided to give it away to a needy relative, but for my obduracy no one would have known of a House called “Sees Chand Mansion”. The new chroniclers and budding historians (of the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya) can take living and solid proof of the existence of the migrating dynasty devoid of their kingdom, but yet surviving the on-slaught of Moslem rulers and later on of Raja Balwant Singh’s night raids and massacre of entire villages of Raghuvanshies (which led to maintenance of 4000 strong foot soldiers and 500 strong Cavalry- see the an-I-Akbari 1595 translations by H.S. Jarreth and W.H. Moreland, Journal of U.P. Historical Society, 2 Pt. I. To safeguard the existence of the Raghuvansies settlers in Katehar) between 1378 A.D. and 1952 when the last in the line of first born of the first House of Katehar bid the house good-bye on the untimely and sad demise of his younger brother coinciding with the abolition of Zamindari (within three days) in Uttar Pradesh. Any one and every one took away anything they wanted or fancied including the Genealogical table of the 1st House of Katehar, mired in family squalls as envisaged by the saga Bharat Singh (Maha Yogi), the house built by Sees Chand Judeo, on the estate of his grand father Rai Chan Singh Judeo (arriving at the tender age of five years, escorted by maids of his grand mother Rani Mriga and servants provided by his father Rai Khemraj Singh Judeo to meditate on the banks of the Holy Ganges for next twelve years emulating Sage Mritand then his son Markedly for begetting a son and the son for achieving immortality from Lord Shiva himself while kicking the death-God Yamraj while the holy trident unhooked the death-noose of Yama from Sage Markandey’s head. Goddess Ganga (river Ganges) blessed the Young Raghuvanshy prince with deadly weapon which won him an estate in Jaunpur e.g. Pargana Bayalisee; but some how his eldest son stayed back on his estate and the house built there was credited to his son (the eldest) Sees Chand by Banshi Kavi, Pt. Satya Narainji and same related to me by pt. Radhey shyamji) almost became the stamping ground for all and sundry, including the Pasi Manager’s household who worked for our servant Kanhayee s/o Bisesar. In the verandah, there was a competition as to who would be the first to put the body of the bullock-cart, the one related to Thakur Ram Rup Singh or the one closer in the family tree. The inner Court-yard had a permanent earthen mould for holding large cooking utensils during marriages and death-feats. The eastern and southern outer courtyards (where stood the house for storing grains and cooking food, including the grinding stone floor mill) were used by ladies of the vicinity for easing themselves. The entire surrounding was full of reprisals towards the prosperity of the 1st House of Katehar and even going away of the last survivors to Nainital was like the end of the hegemony of Sees Chand
With no discernible beneficiary in sight as the closest cousin had sold his share to Ram Rup Singh and Suresh Pratap (etc.) on 8.11.1954 and left the premises, as if finally debilitating the names of Bharat Singh, Ram Sunder Singh and Jaipal Singh forever. This was like an end to the last clue to the living generation of an old and honoured dynasty, as there is no other living edifice which can boast of linking twenty one generation (in five hundred and seventy four years at a scientifically incorrect average of 27 years per generation (although Bharat Singh at 110, his father at 130 and Ram Rup Singh at 95 do defy the average) to within five generation of the last Raghuvanshy king of Ayodhya.
“Raghuvanshies in Benares”
1194 AD onwards
“Plebeians who would be kings”.
A Synopsis of Book 2 (II)
“From Publishers point of view”.
By
Suresh Pratap Singh
History of Benares region is important since the pre historic days itself, but in the middle ages as well, as the five districts of Varanasi, that is Benares, Jaunpur, Ghazipur (Including Ballia) & Mirzapur formed the ninety four parganes of the Awadh and was virtually functioning as a “Suba” (i.e. something close to a province) under various invaders administrators and rulers from the eleventh Century onwards. In fact it’s prominence had outshone the Suba of Allahabad- created by Akbar, even after the creation of ‘Allahabad’, it was like a buffer estate or region between the “Nabobs of Bangal and Nawabs of Awagh in Faizabad and later in Lucknow . although it was under the ‘Nabobs of Awadh.
Another reason for Benares becoming a battle –field of many aspiring and established rulers as it contained as its integral part, the seat of Sharqi-empire rules by Afgans and always bone of contention to the rulers of Delhi , should the Delhi rulers have predominance on the north-East and eastern part of India, including all important Suba of Bengal, for which rulers like Sher-Shah made a concerted bid to bring it under his control and domai. Similarly to sack the Afgans from the ruling fraternity of the Sub-Continent, all Delhi-Rulers were always pricked by the very existence of the power that be in the Benares region from time to time.
Even when it came well under the ‘Nabobs’ of Awadh, it’s errant rajas and revenue collectors were always doing their negotiations with the Bengal powers, the Nabobs or ‘East India Company’s Warren Hastings or Cornwallis. It was of such strategic importance to the British traders that they displayed all their expertise of diplomacy. Cunning and treachery to bring under their control the revenue collection and eventually the raja and finally the administration of Benares region. However their aspiration of empire building brought about a sea change in Benares region and relief to the agriculture and to the agriculturist, getting rid of the despotic ‘ amils’ or the agents of the rajas for collection of revenue on their behalf. There are stories related to the atrocities perpetuated by the ‘amils’ in the papers of Governor General in Council from the Company’s (East India) Agents, that are horrifying. ‘Amils’ for their self aggrandizement unhesitantly and without fail collected more than due from the ‘raiyyats ‘ and cultivators of the land and on being refused or denied beat the ‘raiyyats’ with lathis. That was very commont but what people do not know about is the punishment meted out to more stubborn ones like tying the defaulters (of ‘cess payment) between the legs of a camel and when the Camel was made to run the man tied-up would receive the kicks of the racing camel, resulting in making a pulp of a human being, which the other raiyyats watched in horror.
A man called Jonathan Duncan was appointed Agent of Benares, after having done praise-worthy work in reconstructing the revenue administration of Bengal in 1789 by Cornwallis, after raja was relegated to second place by the Nawab of Avadh at the behest of the British Conspirators of East India Company. Dunean actually did nothing absolutely new and extra-ordinary novel. He just remodeled the fundamentals of revenue administration of Raja Todar Mall and SherShah Suri, by fixing rent after cutting a test crop and evaluating average yield of a plot of land, then fix the percentage for the administration and let the poor cultivator have the rest. The state had its share set aside and ‘amils’ came under the ‘Qanungos who become officials of the administration. The tenant then on had a peaceful existence and improved cultivation with a renewed vigour and zeal, thereby bringing about a greater prosperity in the region. Later the Board of Revenue at Calcutta and the Governing Body of Directors of East India Company found the work of Jonathan Duncan so good that they made it what we call today as Permanent Settlement of Benares. Duncan came as Governor of Bombay and his brother was made Collector of Benares.
The Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya had inherited two paraganas in Benares as a dowry in around 1194, Raja Nain Deo marrying Raja ‘Banar’s daughter, Through a genealogical table in possession of the first family of pargana Katehar it is shown how they faired during all the Cataclysm in the Benares region. Resorting to maintaining a cavalry of 500 and 4000 foot soldiers to be able to resist the night slaughters of old brotherhood Zamindars, to install his own relatives by Raja Balwant Singh in the eighteenth century. How they (Raghuvanshies) got an army from their in-laws place in Balrampur to control the inhabitant tribals (Seories) in the two parganas inhabited by them, for the survival of their own expanding house hold in the beginning of the fifteenth century. The ups and downs of an entire brotherhood is used as the basis of history-telling of the region, which is as ancient as the country itself. How a trading Company became the rulers of an entire nation has been delved upon to solve the riddle of british dominance from Bengal to Benares and then to Delhi and Lucknow.
There were always brave efforts of ‘an individual and a brotherhood to resist the wily British dominance, but failing every time through treachery & deceit. And finally a surrender and acceptance, while striving to keep the growing family well fed and clothed. And eventually giving up all struggle and trying to imitate them in their life style and moral standards.
From 1194 till 1952, it may seem a story of one single Raghuvanshi family but there is an effort to depict the society, norms and habits of an entire region, through their trials and tribulations. Benares is a region, which every Hindu knows, but I could not see a single book, which may give a correct historical perspective of the region to the curiosity of a history student. Because it concerned the writer so much to know of the twenty two generation of the ancestor who lived before him in the same house, where he was born as the eldest son of the second-born in the line of direct lineal descendants in the twentieth century-and he goes on to calculate the dates- back- wards allowing about 25 years (and not 19 ½ ) for each generation to ascertain the year in which the house was built..
BOOK-II
Plebeians who would be Kings
A book about the legends of Ikshawakus and history of Raghuvanshies from seven millennium B.C. to 28.06.1952 from Asthachakra Ayodhya to Kaithi – Katehar, taking a clue from the Last Raghuvanshy King Maharaja Nain Deo’s bard Banshi Kavi, who traveled with him to Varanasi at the time of the abdicated king’s betrothal to the famous Gaharwar King Jaichand’s grand-niece Bindumati in Varanasi in 1194 A.D.; AND THEREON
An application for the magnum opus’s copyrights has been submitted to the Registrar of COPYRIGHTS, to the Govt. of India, New Delhi – 110001 on 15.11.2006, from Belapur, Navi Mumbai, by registered post with triplicate statement of Particulars and the fee paid vide postal Order No. 40F 751229, 40F 751228 AND 56E894907, with Receipt No.: - RLA6101, form Konkan Bhavan SO 400614.
MAGNUM OPUS ON THE SURVIVAL OF
THE SUN-DYNASTY OF AYODHYA
FROM SEVEN MILLENNIUM B.C. TO 28.06.1952
Around the end of the twelfth Century A.D., it became abundantly clear that living in Ayodhya wouldn’t be of any use for the descendants of Raghu – the first world conqueror – as per the great poet of Sanskrit, Kalidas, and of Sri Ram Chandra, destroyer of the great demon of Shri Lank Ravana, to continue their existence there, and their great benefactor came in the form of the villaneous Jai Chandra, the perpetuator of the Muslim on-slaught on his nephew and abductor of his daughter Sanyukta, the mighty warrior Prithviraj Chauhan. Come to think of it, there could be no one in better position to comprehend the outcome and future of the Indian sub-Continent after his nexus with Muhammad Ghori, and as he was the ruler of all three Kannauj, Kashi and Ayodhya, he arranged for the displacement of the last Raghuvanshy king Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi in the thick jungles of Paragana Katehar, sixteen miles away from the township, where the sway of the invading Afghans and Mughals was not eminent most of the time. Suitably he arranged for the betrothal of his grand niece with Nain Deo. A bard had accompanied Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi and his descendant Banshi Kavi recorded the births and deaths of the descendants of his erstwhile king in the form of a booklet, which has recorded till Sees Chand the descendant of the king, five hundred year later. And it was a pure chance that a genealogical table prepared in 1840 or so has been returned by the man who took it away by the force of habit and found it of no use written in “Baithanwa Urdu”, undecipherable even by the Urdu-reading gentry. On its final translation and recognizing the name of my great-grand father’s father, it could be established that indeed it was the house of Sees Chand where we were born, and that it was also the 1st House of Katehar. Then by the process of reverse progression, beginning with last first born at the turn of the last century, it was possible to ascertain the years of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the construction of the present day ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ lived in now for nearly twenty one generations without a break, which could have come once when the head of the 1st house entered in the plot to capture Warren Hastings in Varanasi, headed by Raja Chait Singh with assembled forces of local zamindars of 34000 strong, next when Jaipal Singh joined the forces of Kunwar Singh of Aarrah and attacked the John Company (E.I.C.) at Azamgarh, and thirdly on poisoning of three successive generations in eight years time, culminating on 28.06.1952. But yet the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ survived. However, it seems it is true now to relegate it to past and history as it’s successor and memorial to the man who settled Kaithi, Rai Chain Singh Judeo’ in 1485 and a reminder of it in the new millennium is ready to house the tablet of the genealogy of the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’, which ought to be restored for posterity and handed- over to the Archaeological Survey of India and UNESCO’s Heritage preservation.
GOING BACKWARDS in order to
establish – 1st house of Katehar’s age
as per lodging in “Sees Chand Mansion”
Starting from official age certificate of Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh
(with slight approximation for convenience sake)
First born of Sees Chand Mansion
When 25 year old
Ram Rup Singh
1925 AD
1927
Raj Kumar Singh
1900 AD
1902
Bharat Singh
1865 AD
1877
Ram Sunder Singh
1835 AD
1852
Jaipal Sing
1810 AD
1827
Shiv Ratan Singh
1785 AD
Chet Singh Alias Janak Rai
1760 AD
Udit Singh
1735 AD
Ragho Rai
1710 AD
Nanhu Rai
1685 AD
Narsingh Bhan
1660 AD
Sri Kishun
1635 AD
Baddu Rai
1610 AD
Tulsi Rai
1585 AD
Iss Chand
1560 AD
Sees Chand
1535 AD
Madan Chand
1510 AD
Rai Chan Singh Judeo
and then beyond, to establish veracity of the years recorded, by our Bard Banshi Kavi, for Deokunwar coming to Deorayee in 1380 and Pukar Rai establishing hegemony of the 1st house of Katehar at Niyar-deeh in 1435 (?)
1485 AD
-----------------------
when 25 in AD
Rai Khemraj Singh
1460 AD
Baba Pukar Rai
1435 AD
Birhaz Rai
1410 AD
Deo Kunwar (Came to Deorayee)
1380 AD
---------------------------
If we take Pukar Rai in Niyar (1435) as Samvat, then; 435-57=1378 AD as per Banshi Kave then
Pukar Rai
When 25 yrs. old being 1378 AD
Rai Khemraj Singh
1403 AD
Rai Chan Singh
1429 AD
Madan Chand
1453 AD
Sees Chand
1478 AD
Iss Chand
1503 AD
Tulsi Rai
1528 AD
Baddu Rai
1553 AD
Sri Kishun
1578 AD
Narsinh Bhan
1603 AD
Nanhu Rai
1628 AD
Ragho Rai
1653 AD
Udil Singh
1678 AD
Janak Rai alias Chet Singh
1703 AD
Shiv Ratan Singh
1728 AD
Jaipal Singh alias Purushottam Singh
1753 AD
Ram Sunder Singh
1778 AD
Bharat Singh
1803 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1828 AD
Ram Rup Singh
1853 AD
Which is absolutely absurd. So Bansi Kavi has erred and put ‘Samvat’ in place of Anno domino.
RAGHUVANSHIES IN BENARES
(1378 to 1478 to 1952)
(1435 to 1535 to 1952)
Where is Deorayee – which received Maharaj Deo Kunwar in Samvat 1380 or 1323 A.D. whose son Bhuj Rai fathered legendry Ganesh Rai to settle Dobhi in Jaunpur; and another son Birhaj Rai who fathered Baba Pukar Rai to sack Niyar of the primitive ‘Seories’ tribe from his land and settle in a ‘Kot’ (mud fortress), in Samvat 1435 i.e. year 1378 A.D. So if we prepare a table form both sides i.e. starting from Ram Rup Singh at the age of 25 in 1925 with certain amount of laxity for men like Bharat Singh who lived a very long life (105 to 110 in approximation) we reach Pukar Rai twenty generations earlier in 1435 A.D. and not Samvat, whereas 1435 Samvat means 1378 A.D. then Ram Rup Singh should achieve the age of 25 in 1853, which is absurd. So we can safely say that it was common for Bansi Kavi to confuse Samvat with A.D. and vice versa.
So before we are able to examine history books on Gahrawar dynasty’s rule in Benaras and how and when the last Gaharwar king Raja Banar handed two parganas (out of 94 paraganas of the eastern U.P. which later on formed the Banaras Commissionraite of the East India Company, and still later of the British empire of Queen Victoria and succeeding Anglo-Saxon kings and queens till the independence on 15th August 1947; we can start backwards form Rai Saheb Thakur Ram Rup Singh and his brother Rishabh Deo Singh, who together, nearly wrote the last chapter of the 1st House of the Katehar Raghuvanshies in 1952, one by buying large tracts of land in the Himalayan foot hills and another by breathing his last on 28th June, 1952 three days before abolition of Zamindari in Uttar Pradesh. For next twenty years the House of Sees Chand became derelict, neglected, and even haunted by the ghosts of people murdered in the neighbourhood by greedy co-parcenors. The house became used to theft of petty objects and pilferage and not only all the Teak wood from Gorakhpur kept for wood-work on the upper storey was lifted systematically by the keepers of the house, but even fixed Teak doors, windows and almirahs were just taken away by the co-perceners living in the vicinity.
We should be able to fix the dates for Baba Pukar Rai in Niyar, Deo Kunwar in Deorain and tally it with the dates given by Banshi Kavi the Court – Bard of the Raghuvanshies; by counting backwards form Ram Rup Singh to Sees Chand with the help of Sajra of Mauza Kaithi, prepared in the year 1840, and with the great grand father of Ram Rup Singh being the last in the line directly in the line of Sees Chand and being the fourteenth descendant also in the direct line of the eldest born,to begin with we know for certain that Ram Rup Singh was 25 years old in 1925, hence his father Raj Kumar Singh of the same age in 1900. However we have to show laxity in the case of Bharat Singh, who lived very long and died on 6th Dec. 1944, as attaining the age of 25 in 1865. Yet again his father lived for no less than 130 years and renounced the worldly ways, before the Record operation of 1883-84. Any way by the general formula used by the historians and coming to a compromise we fix 1835 for Ram Sunder Singh alias Purshottam Singh (the 1857 martyr), 1785 for Shiv Ratan Singh, 1760 for Janak Rai, 1735 for Udit Singh 1710 for Ragho Rai, 1685 for Nanhu Rai, 1660 for Narsinh Bhan, 1635 for Sri. Kishun, 1610 for Baddu Rai, 1585 for Tulsi Rai, 1560 for Iss Chand, 1535 for Sees Chand, and Proceeding beyond on the basis of Banshi Kavi’s Raghuvansh Banshavali Mahakavya, 1510 for Madan Chand, 1485 for Rai Chan Singh, 1460 for Rai Khemraj Singh, and finally 1435 for Baba Pukar Rai, which is A.D. and not Samvat.
Going beyond Birhaj Rai would have been 25 years old in 1410 and Deo Kunwar in 1385, again A.D. not Samvat so he came to deorain in 1380 as per Banshi Kavi.
Now testing the time of arrival of the last Raghuvanshi King from Brijsinhpur (across Ayodhya – which may have been done by the fear of Syed Salar Jang Ghazi Mian or some such other invader, earlier, when Ayodhya was either sacked or vacated voluntarily, but as Ghazi MIAN Was defeated and slain in the forests of Suhelawa in Baharaich by Suheldeo the exodus may have been stopped then but the Raghuvanshi kings did not actually return to Ayodhya itself). The bard’s book describes the arrival of Maharaj Nayan Deo in Rajghat, Varanasi in Samvat 1207.
Again mention of Samvat is wrong as then Kashi was ruled by the most illustrious king of the Gahadavals dynasty, viz. Govind Chandra (1114-1154 A.D.), whereas Raja Banar was the legendry king of Kashi after the defeat of Jay Chandra (1170-1194 A.D.) in the battle of Chandwar (Near Firozabad in District Agra) by the armies of Shihab-ud-din Ghori, who immediately afterwards sacked Kanauj, their imperial capital. And soon after that the general of Ghorim Qutb-din-Albak attacked the city of Varanasi and destroyed more than thousand temples and built mosques on their site However after carrying away the loot on 1400 Camels, he soon forgot about the city of temples and Jayachandra’s son Harish Chandra continued to exercise authority in his ancestral kingdom till 1197 A.D. A king of Bangal Lakshmansena (1185-1202 A.D.) may have attacked Kashi and defeated Harish Chandra, to virtually end the Sovereign Hindu-rule of independent Hindu dynasty and the next King may have been the legendry King Banar, who returned from his hide-out in Kantit in Mirzapur, to erect the old Fort at Rajghat (near the confluence of Varuna and Ganga and may have had enough following and political clout to have given the city his own name. The Raghuvanshi King Nayan Deo married the daughter of the same Raja Banar in the year 1212 A.D. The dowry given to princess Bindumati were to parganas of Dobhi in Jaunpur and Katehar in Benares.
Saiyed Jamal-uddin may have been the first Muslim Governor placed Muhammad Ghori, who actually lived in Varanasi and died here. His tomb is to be seen in Jamaluddinpura, and was succeeded by Muhammed Baquar, founder of Mohalla Bauqarabad. Later on Sultan Iltutmish consolidated his hold over Varanasi in 1217-1218 A.D. Haji Idris was the Governor and built a well bearing an inscription of 1311 A.D. Muhalla Hajidaras named after him exists in the city. His tomb is in Muhalla Kazzakpura. Allauddin Khilji, when Governor of Kara-Manikpur, may have included Varanasi in his charge and administered by Azizud-din; but had no influence over the area; 1292 A.D. During the reign of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq (1321-25 A.D.), Jalal-ud-din Ahmad was in charge of Varanasi, a muhalla Jaladuddinpura is named after him. It is more than likely that in 1322 A.D. Varanasi was governed from Zafrabad (in Jaunpur) and during the reigns of Muhammad-bin-Tughluq and Firoz Tughluq, the Sultans tried to enhance their authority over the region.
In November 1353 A.D Firuz Tughluq suppressed Ilyas Haji of Bengal who had extended his territories as far as Varanasi. Only when Firuz arrived there many local Zamindars and small Rajas came forward to pay the Sultan’s cess.
Ilyas was defeated in April 1354 and Firuz re-established his authority over Varanasi. In 1394 Mohammad Shah Tughluq conferred Varanasi on Khwaja-I-Jahan, giving him the title of Malik-us-Sharqi (Lord of the East), who carved out the independent kingdom of Jaunpur, which included Varanasi. It was in the region of his successor, Ibrahim Shah Sharqi (when Muhammad Khalis was the Governor of Varanasi) that Makhdum Ashraf Jahagir Simnani (A famous Muslim Saint) visited Varanasi. It is established from the Eklingji inscription of 1429 A.D. that Rana Lakha of Mewar often gave money to the Hindu pilgrims coming to Varanasi to meet out the server taxes extracted from them by the officers of the Sultans of Jaunpur.
During the times of Mahmud Shah Sharqi (1440-1458), Gulam Amina was in-charge of Varanasi. Amina Mandvi Muhalla may have been named after him. The Sultan married a widow Raja Bibi and built a mosque Masjid Raja Bibi. A plaque in Lal Darwaja mosque in Jaunpur dates it to 1447. The material used was after the demolition of the temple of Padmeshwar built in 1296 near the temple of Kashi Vishwanath. During Hussain Shah Sharqi’s reign (1450-79) Gulam Amina continued in Varanasi, but the Sultan fortified Varanasi Garrison (1465-66), due to rise of powerful Rajput Chieftains who extended their area of influence by gradually capturing parts of the territories of the Sharqi Kingdom.
For more formidable power than that of the powerful Rajput chieftains and influential Zamindars of the region, continually harassing the Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur was the rise of another Afghan Chieftain, Bahlol Lodi in Delhi (1451 A.D.) for whom the Sharqi kingdom became the biggest hurdle in his expansionist policy. Their struggle lasted nearly thirty years when Bahlol Lodi completely overwhelmed Husain Shah Sharqi in a series of battles compelling the latter to withdraw to safe haven in Bihar and his entire territory (including Varanasi) being automatically annexed to Delhi Sultanaite. Barhak Shah son of Lodi, become Governor. Strangely and unconvincingly a Hindu Raja Joga of Jaund (Bihar) was able to form a confederacy of Hindu rulers and ousted Barbak Shah from Jaunpur in 1487-88, but soon enough there were fissures in the Hindu Confederacy and Sikander Lodi was able to restore Jaunpur Sultanaite to Barkbak Shah. Meanwhile, Hussein Shah bidding for time in Bihar, collected a large troop of Rajput Zamindars of the region in Jaunpur and Varanasi (Katehar’s Raghuvanshies are recorded of having 500 Horsemen and 4000 foot soldiers even as late as 1790 or thereabouts) and headed to twenty five miles east if city to meet Sikandar Lodi aided by Salbahan of Phaphamau and fierce battle took place, causing the end of Husain Shah, who fled to Bengal, Sikander Lodi conferred the Subah of Jaunpur on Jamal Khan. Hasan Khan , Sher Shah Suri’s father receiving in Jagir, Tanda, across Kaithi, where remnants of Jagirdars quarters can be seen even today. Hasan Khan entrusted the management of these territories to Sukha, father of Khawas Khan. Fourth wife of Sher Shah’s father had turned our Sher Shah from her husband’s household in Sasaram and Sher Shah had also found it worthwhile to renounce the household of his father earlier as a young boy to take shelter in the horse-stable of the Raghuvanshi chieftain Doman Deo, a first cousin of Sees Chand of the first House or Katehar in Kaithi. Incidently Tanda’s full name is Khawaspur Tanda. A paper read in XLI History congress in Dec. 1980 called “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Deo “1501 to 1515” is to be annexed, for perusal of an interesting amateur work, twenty five years ago.
Sukha and Khawas Khan were the supporters of Sher Shah or Farid Son of Hasan Mian of Sasaram and on Sukha being killed by Sulaiman his step brother, Sher Shah took patronage of the successor of Jamal Khan, Junaid Barbas (the Mughal Governor of Jaunpur) and entered the services of Babur.
During the rule of Sultans of Delhi, Varanasi became the center of religious and reformist activities. The Bhakti movement and the Rama cult in Northern India prospered under Ramanand in the fourteenth century. His disciple Kabir (born 1398) made greatest efforts to inculcate the spirit of harmony between Hinduism and Islam. Ravidas and Guru Nank founder of Sikhism also came to Varanasi. Vallabhacaharya the Vaishnava saint and exponent of Krishna cult was born in Varanasi and studied here. Vallabhacharya was born in 1479 and came from South but stayed here for good.
After the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi in 1526 (Panipat) the Afghans seized the eastern provinces and Varanasi once again came under their control. Mahmud Lodi was incarnated the new Sultan. Babur’s son Humayun, however, again took control of the region as far as Ghazipur in 1527. But no sooner his back was turned Afghans again took control and drove away the Mughal garrison from Varanasi. And it took another two years for Babur to return and place Jalal-uddin as in charge of the garrison at Varanasi.
Now it was the turn of Sher Shah to return to Afghan flock and help Mahmud Lodi gather a strong Army of 100000 to oust Jalal-uddin from Varanasi.
Babur’s successor Humayun came to Varanasi in 1532 to negotiate with Sher Shah for surrender of Bihar. Later in 1538 Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah in the battle of chausa.
In 1538-39 Sher Shah came to Varanasi and besieged the garrison. Governor Mir Fazli and a Mughal General Khan Khanan- Yusuf Khail were put to death, while Humayun’s territory was ravaged and immense booty from Bahraich, Sambhal and Kannauj was acquired while he was in Varanasi. Eventually he defeated Humayun in Kannuj in 1540 and became the Emperor. Founder of Muhalla Usmanpura, Usman Khan was Governor of Varanasi in that period.
I quote from page 49 of the authoritative version forwarded by the eminent Advisory Board, consisting of Dr. Radha Kamal Mukherjee, Dr. Baljit Singh, Dr. B. G. Prasad, Dr. Bireshwer Prasad , Dr. B. R. Mishra, Dr. C. D. Chatterjee, Dr. G. C. Pande, Dr.S.M.Ali, Dr.S.N.Chaturvedi Dr.S.Nurul hasan, Shri. S. R. Sharma and Srimati R. B. Joshi, the following passage on Raghuvanshi Rajputs, their ancestors, Doman Deo and Emperor Sher Shah.
“Traditions assert that the Raghuvanshi proprietors of Jalhupur and Sheopur owe their rise from the days of Sher Shah when Doman Deo, their ancestor (who was ninth in descant from Deo Kunwar the founder of these settlements) received from Sher Shah the rent – free grant of the whole Pargana of Katehar. The place he made his headquarters was named Chandravati after his wife (or his daughter) and he also built a massive fort there on the steep bank of Ganga the ruins of which are a reminder of his prowess. Nearly all the Raghuvanshies claim descent from him but it seems in his day the clan was already numerous and that many branches from the original home at Deorain had planted themselves in the different parts of the region. For a long time after his death the Raghuvanshies retained their possession intact and spread beyond the Ganga into the Barah and Mahuari parganas.”
The city of Varanasi was one of the important places on the Grand Trunk Road built by Sher Shah. After the death Sher Shah’s successor Islam Shah two afghan Chieftains Taj Khan and his brother occupied the old Suri jagir of Tanda. Later,Adil Shah took control of Tanda,across Kaithi on the Ganges and much later it became a possession of the Raghuvanshies who retained their possession intact and spread beyond the Ganga into the Barah and Mahuari pargana
A mint was established in Varanasi as early as 1555, in the reign of Ibrahim shah Suri in 1561, Ali Quli Khan – Zaman was granted in Jagir the Sirkars of Varanasi, Jaunpur and Ghazipur, and some parganas in the Sirkar of Avadh and Manikpur so as to subdue the Afghans. On Jan. 24, 1566 Akbar reached Varanasi enroute to the fort of Chunar, to dispossess Ali Quli to confer them on Munim Khan-e-Kan-I-Khanan, who in turn conferred the Sirkar of Varanasi on Bayazid Biyat (author of Tazkira-I-Humayn wa Akbar). Then Akbar went to Jaunpur and Siknder and Bahadur Beg Khan seized Varanasi and made Asad Khan in-charge. However, in 1567 Akbar again suppressed them near Jaunpur. The story goes that when he came to Varanasi people shut their doors on him. He was furious, but later forgave them. The territory was re-conferred on Munim Khan Khan-I-Khanan, who again posted Bayazid Biyat as Fauzdar of Varanasi.
This was the time of Iss Chand only son of Sees Chand and they ploughed their land peacefully, while Afghans and Mughals fought and sacked each other, having no time to deal with petty independent land owners trying to elk-out a meager living inside the dense forest and sixteen miles away from the scene of skirmishes and battles between the usurpers of the great continent. The confederation of the descendants of the twelve sons (12 Rais of Katehar of Baba Pukar Rai of Niardeeh, maintained a military of 500 horses and 4000 foot soldiers. Although close to Suri kings, they kept quite aloof in the wars between the Afghans and Mughals, and were left alone generally mostly owning to their distant isolation from the main stream of city and Sirkar of Varanasi, so much so that people like Bharat Singh visited Kashi, just once every year to worship in Kashi Vishwanath temple and return poste haste to attend to Markanday Mahadeo in their own village.
In 1569 Raja Todar Mal, a Tandon amongst the Khatris and the Ravenue Minister of the great Moghal, visited Varanasi and met with a petition of the Hindus against the sacrilegious acts of the Fauzdar Bayazid. They were directed to the Governor in Jaunpur, Munium Khan and Bayazid removed himself on its knowledge.
Akbar again came to Varanasi in 1574 on Bengal Campaign. He came by the river route, stayed three days before proceeding to Patna downstream. In 1575 Munim Khan became viceroy of Bengal, and government of Jaunpur, Varanasi and Chunar was placed in the hands of Mirza Mirak Rizvi and Shaikh Ibrahim Sikri for a short while, before Muhammad Masum Khan. Faran Khadi became the Fauzdar of Jaunpur. Some important administrative changes were made in 1584, Varanasi becoming a Sirkar in the newly constituted Subah of Illahabad (Allahabad). Tarsum Muhammad Khan became Governor and in 1589 to 1591 even the illustrious Abdul Rahim Khan-I-Khanan held the post, those were the times of Tulsi Rai in Kaithi. In 1591, he was succeeded by Qulij Khan for three years when came Mirza Yusuf Khan.
Sant Tulsidas (1532-1623) lived in Varanasi and composed the epic, “Ramcharitmanas”. About the city of Varanasi Abul Fazal syas. Benares is a large city situated between the two rivers… It is built in the shape of a bow of which the Ganga forms the string. Ralpa Fitceh the English traveler who visited Varanasi in 1583 speaks of cloth industry of this place. It was already famous for cultivation of beetle leaf. In Akbar’s time there was a mint in Varanasi and it turned out Copper coins.
About the administrative divisions that comprised the region now covered all of Chandauli Tahasil belonging to the Sirkar of Chunar. The component mahals were the same as the present parganas, except Barah or Tanda Practically the whole of the Varanasi Sirkar lay in the present district, but did not include the pargama of Bayalsi, which was gifted to the Raghuvanshi warrior, Rai Chan Singh Judeo, son of the first son of Rani Mriga and Baba Pukar Rai and who shifted to Kaithi to worship on the banks of Ganga, his grand-mother having set a living quarter for her tender-aged grand son, where Madan Chand continued to live and Sees Chand built the first house of Raghuvanshi settlers in Kaithi, followed by Doman Deo, son of Uga Thakurai and grand son of the youngest brother of Rai Chan Singh Judeo. According to the genealogical table of Mauza Kaithi, Rai Chan Singh must have attained the age of 25 in 1485A.D. and must have sought audience of Bahlol Lodi’s son Barbak Shah, who was appointed Governor or Jaunpur under Delhi Saltanaite in 1479. And a gift of Bayalsi in Jaunpur must have been made to Rai Chan Singh by either Barbak Shah, but rather unlikely by Bahlol Lodi in Delhi. By 1494, Sikander Lodi conferred the Subah of Jaunpur to Jamal Khan, while Hasan Khan (father of the Sher Shah) received Tanda (Khawaspur) across Kaithi as Jagir. There must have been a re-approachment between Hasan Khan and Rai Chan Singh over Bayalsi,which a grand nephew of Rai Chan Singh, Doman Deo, found it expedient to gift away to Bais Rajputs, whom he freed from the prisons of Sher Shah, during his visit to Delhi to honour an invitation from Sher Shah, in 1544 or thereabout.
The cultivated area of Varanasi was 2,55,598 bighas and the land revenue was 1,61,49,381 dams which figures we will compare with that at the time of Duncan. The “mahal” (a terms used by Duncan) of Katehar corresponded to the modern parganas of Katehar and Sultanipur and was owned by Raghuvanshies. They had the unusually large contingent of 500 cavalry and 4000 infantry and paid 18,74,230 Dams on 30,495 bights of cultivation. The mahal of Afrad was made up of scattered blocks, which are now chiefly in the parganas of Kaswar, Dehat Amanat and Katehar. It had in all 10655 bighas of cultivated land and a revenue of 8,53,226 dams and was owned by Rajputs and Brahmans, who contributed 400 foot soliders. Kolasla (or Kolah) belonged to the Sircar of Jaunpur and was a Rajput ‘mahal’ with 24,251 bighas under the plough and was assessed at 13,65,332 dams and supplied two horsemen and 300 infantry. Tanda (in Sircar Chunar), which is now “Barah” yielded revenue of 4,88,010 dams. Mahaich, which continues to bear its old name (Sircar of Chunar, then) yielded a revenue of 3,90,609 dams and the cultivated area being 7950 bighas. Most of the area comprising of tahsil Chakia may be identified with Pargana Mangror in Sircar Rohtas of Subah Bihar. It yielded a revenue of 9,24,000 dams.
In Jahangir’s time in 1618 the fauzdar was Khwajah Muhammad Saleh. Mohalla Khwajapura is named after him. Earlier (1611 A.D.) Mirza Chin Qulij held Jaunpur and Varanasi as ‘Fauzdar’.
In Jahangir’s time Varanasi was famous for manufacture of Turbans, cummerbunds, cloth and garments (specially for women), copper pots, dishes, basins and other articles of common uses.
In Shahjahan times (1632) when Baddu Rai and Sri Kishun were living in the first house of Katehar (and not Rai Chan Singh Judo as reported by Banshi Kavi on the destroyed copies of the records of his ancestors and it seems on more whimsical surmises of his own), it was reported by Abdul Hamid Lahori (the official author of Shah Jahan’s reign) that “It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol Temples had been begun, but remained unfinished at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his dominions in every place all temples that had begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahabad that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares. Only Shah Jahan’s son Dara Shukoh, a man of Catholic sympathies, was anxious to find a meeting point for Hinduism and Islam. He got together a number of pundits from Varanasi and completed the translation of Upnishads under his patronage; Kavindracharya led a deputation to Shah Jahan to remit the pilgrim tax imposed at Varanasi and Allahabad.
There is a grave in Kolasala, which is said to be of Mir Muhammed who may have been a Faujdar of the area in the second year of Shah Jahan’s region.
Much action took place near Varanasi around 1658, during the times of Sri Kishun and Narsinh Bhan in Kaithi, When Dara Shukoh’s son Sulaiman defeated Shuja (the Governor of Bengal) at Bahadurpur, five miles east of Varanasi, but when he had to retire from Varanasi as his father had been defeated by Aurangzeb at Samugarh, Shuja re-occupied Varanasi and extracted rupees three lakhs from the merchants of Varanasi. But he also was driven out of the place by Aurangzeb’s army.
During the early days of Aurangzeb Khwaja Sadiq Badakhsi was the Faujdar of Varanasi and was followed by Arsalan Khan. Two years later, Khizer Khan was made the faujdar in succession to his brother Arssalan Khan.
When certain priests were harassed by local Muslim officers, they appealed to the emperor, who issued a firman dated Feb. 28th 1659, to the Faujdar of Varanasi that the priests were not to be disturbed in the legitimate discharge of their religious duties, but that no new temples were to be built.
In the same year Aurangzeb got the temple of Kirti Bisheshwar destroyed and built on the site, with some of its material, the Almgir mosque which stands near the temple of Ratneshwar and bears the date of 1068 A.H. (1659 A.D.). The style of the old temple indicate that the temple must have been about six or seven centuries old at the time of its destructions. Hindus still visit the spot as they consider it to be a place of sanctity and worship. A part of the courtyard (perhaps taking it to be remnant of the old temple), particularly on the occasion of Shivratri when at least till the middle of the nineteenth century, crowds thronged the spot and made their offerings which were nicely appropriated by the mullah of mosque. (Sheering sacred city of the Hindus (London PP. 312-314)
On April 9th, 1669 Aurangzeb issued order to the provincial Governor for the demolition of Hindu temples and Schools, which the faujdar of Varanasi carried out by pulling down number of temples in the city including those of Vishwanath and Bindumadhava. A mosque was built on the site of each two high minarets. Aurangzeb also renamed the city Muhammadabad and issued coins from the mint here, bearing his name. The new name got out of use with the emperor’s death.
In 1674 Visheshwar of Gaga Bhatt of Varanasi was summoned to Shivaji’s coronation ceremony. Shivaji may have come to Varanasi in 1665, on way to meet Aurangzeb in Agra, or while fleeing back from Agra to Deccan.
During the reign of of Aurangzeb,the French traveler Tavernier,visited Varanasi on Dec. 12 & 13th 1665 and has left graphic accounts of the idol of Bindumadhava, the markets, ghats and the mosques built by Muslim rulers and the stupa at Sarnath. He wrote: “Benares is a large and well-built town, the majority of the houses being of brick and cut-stone, and more lofty than those of other towns of India, but it is very inconvenient that the streets are so narrow. It has several carvan sarais, and, among others, one very large and well-built. In the middle of the court there are two galleries where they sell cottons, silken stuffs, an other kinds of merchandise. The majority of those who vend the goods are the workers who have made the pieces and in this manner foreigners obtain them at first hand. These workers, before exposing anything for sale, have to go to him who holds the contract, so as to get the imperial stamp impressed on the pieces of calico or silk, otherwise they are fined and flogged. The town is situated to the north of Ganges, which runs the whole length of the walls, and two leagues further down a large river joins it from the west. The idolaters have one of their principal pagodas in Banares.”
Speaking about the Brahmans of Varanasi, he says, “The first caste is that of the Brahamans or Philosophers of India who specially studied astrology … and they are so skilled in their observations that they do not make a mistake of a minute in foretelling eclipses of the sun and the Moon … This caste is the most noble of all because it is from among the Brahmanas that the priests and ministers of law are selected. But as they are very numerous and cannot all study in their University the majority of them are ignorant and consequently very superstitious, those who pass as the most intellectual being the most arrant sorcrers.”
Another French traveler was Bernier, who has left an interesting account of the city and its institutions. He goes on, “The town of Benares, seated on the Ganges, in a beautiful situation, and in the midst of an extremely fine and rich country, may be considered the general school of Gentiles” and goes on to describe the educational system obtaining here.
During the closing years of Aurangzb’s reign, Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur, erected the famous observatory at Varanasi. It seems from “khulasat-ut-tawarikh” that in Aurangzb’s time the system of revenue administration was the same as that introduced by Akbar The number of parganas in sircar Banares in 1695 was the same as in 1594.
Very little has been recorded about the proprietary rights in the early settlements in the district under the sultans of Delhi except for the sagas of great dynastic Houses recorded by the House-bards like of Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya by Banshi kavi in Raghuvansh Banshavali- Maha kavya, from the time they left their kingdoms, for one reason or the other. It could be surmised that the most of them existed under Mughal suzerainty unlike Raghuvanshies of Katehar who befriended the Afghans and stayed free of Mughal domination and got free- hold zamindari rights through a ‘sanad’ or court declaration, like in the case of Doman Deo and Maharaj Rai Chan singh Judeo (Bayalisi). Similarly Mohas received a grant from Shah Hahan and enjoyed considerable property and married their daughters in the erstwhile rulers of Varanasi the Gahadwal’s family finding shelter in Kantit and Manda etc. Banaphars came from chausa in the twelfth century and were settled in villages Rajpur and Hariharpur.
But after the death of Aurangzeb, Delhi’s grip slackened and provincial Governors became virtually independents. Aurangzeb’s son Mauzzam succeeded to the throne as Bahadur shah I and during his reign the zamindars of eastern district either claiming a free grant like Raghuvanshies of Katehar from Sher Shah, or just taking advantage of the disturbed state in Delhi, rebelled and refused to pay the revenue, unlike the Raghuvanshies of katehar,who held a properly executed grant.
In 1712 his eldest son, Jahandar shah, succeeded him for a fortnight. War broke out between him and his nephew Farukh siyar (son of Azin-us-shan) over the division of the kingdom. The sayyid brother of Barah, Abdull khan and Hussain Ali, promised to support the claim of Farrukhsiyar who became the emperor (1712-1719). His army crossed the Karamnasa River, reached Saidraja on October 28, and moved on to Mughalsarai the next day. Farrukhsiyar visited Varanasi to impose a levy of a lakh of rupees.
In 1712 the emperor sent Munawwar khan with a large army and many guns to punish the independent land-owners of Kaithi. Ragho Rai represented the Katehar Raghuvanshies and was standing –by with 500 cavalry and 4000 armed men to face Shaikh Mangli the Risaldar, who turned back and avoided confrontations with the Raghuvanshies of Katehar and maintained peace on both ends, However the rebellion of the zamindars of the eastern districts assured non payment of land revenue by all of them on the style of the Katehar Raghuvanshies since the grant of Sher Shah to Raja Doman Deo making all of Katehar as cess-free.
In 1719, Farrukh siyar was murdered and when Muhammad shah ascended the throne in September, he gave in Jagir to Murtaza khan (one of his courtiers) the sirkar of Benares, and two other sirkars and chunar (the whole area corresponding roughly to the present districts of Varanasi, Jaunpur, Ghazipur, Azamgarh and Ballia and the eastern portion of Distt. Mirzapur) Murtaza khan entrusted the management of these territories to Mir Rustam Ali (a relative) for consideration of five lakh of rupees annually, the latter having the right to retain the surplus for himself, but he could not realize the revenue from most of the zamindars.
In 1722 Muhammkad Amin, well known as Sadat khan was made subedar of Avadh. In about 1728-murtaza Khan leased his jagir to Saadat khan for an annual sum of seven lakhs of rupees annually. Rustam Ali retained the charge of Jagir till 1738 when incurred the displeasure of Saadat Khan. Rustam Ali had become indolent and depended a good deal on one of his servants Mansa Ram and was unable to pay the fixed annual rent to the subedar of Avadh. Saadat khan asked his son-in-law Safdar Jung to call Rustam Ali to account. To his ill-luck Rustam Ali sent Mansa Ram for replying to Safdar Jung at Avadh headquarters, paving the way for his own fall and the advancement of Mansa Ram, who secured for himself, in the name of his son, Balwant singh, the office of Nazim of the sirkars of Banares, Jaunpur and Chunar, by being agreeable to pay nine lakhs as annual rent. Balwant singh’s power initially was circumscribed by keeping the kotwalship of Benares, the Governorship of Jaunpur Fort and the control of Mint in Benares, outside his jurisdiction. After the death of Mansa Ram in 1739 a sanad from the Emperor Muhammad shah was issued conferring the title of raja upon him. In 1740 he also obtained the zamindari of kaswar, Afrad, Katehar and Bhagmal as well as the lease of three sirkars and he continued to strengthen his position by night raids on the villages of Rajputs and Brahmins and replacing the original zamindars by his relatives by force, and later by ordering a fresh settlement of the tenants before 1st July 1759, by a renowned hereditary kanungo from Patna. Many old zamindars that had fled away were hiding or were too impoverished and did not surface again at the time of ‘partal’ by the officials of the kanungo, and many could not easily re-establish their claim on their old zamindari. Those who were not troubled, or sacked did so by maintaining a fighting force, like the Rajputs (Raghuvanshies) of Katehar 500 horses and 4000 foot soldiers). However gradually he established his suzerainty almost all over Benares, except pargana of Katehar, notwithstanding certain small villages on the outskirts of the pargana (Katehar). And where the forces of the Raghuvanshies some how could not register command and control. Meanwhile Balvant singh continued to pay the tribute to the nawab vazir, Safdar Jung, astutely till 1748 when he was away in Delhi, by expelling the agent of Avadh government, and refusing to pay the revenues. He became so emboldened so as to attack the province of Allanhabad, seizing the fort and pargana of Bhadohi (Mona Rajputs). The Governor of Allahabad, Ali Kuli-khan, who was also defeated, which led to Ahmad Khan Bangash an Afghan leader from Farrukhabad to march to Allahabad and asking another Afghan Sahib Zaman Khan of Jaunpur to take charge of Benares. Balwant singh made peace with Afghans and settled for half his original possessions. At same time Safdar Jung marched towards Allahabad and compelled Ahmad khan Bangash to retire from there, while he also foiled Sahib Zaman Khan’s efforts to establish his authority over Benares and Allahabad. And immediately after this Safdar Jung reached Benares to chastise Raja Balwant Singh and asked him to attend the court. But Balwant singh escaped to his hill hideout in Latifpur in Mirzapur and Safdar Jung was left to pillaging the fort at Gangapur and then was compelled to proceed to Delhi to defend the capital..
Before leaving Benares Safdar Jung tactically announced ‘pardon’to Balwant singh in order so as not to loose the administrative control of the area to Afghans, and in return for the ‘pardon’ accepted a sum of two lakhs of rupees as a present from the Raja.
In 1752, Balwant singh shifted his Headquarters from Gangapur to Ramnagar where he built on the right bank of Ganga a strong fort. He also fortified Bijaygarh and other places in Mirzapur for the protection of his treasures and other valuables. The period of 1748 to 1752 was a time of great anxiety for the city of Benares as Safdar Jung, Anmad Khan Bangash , Sahib Zaman Khan Balwant singh and the Marathas were severally making efforts to seize the city. Balwant Singh’s uncle Dasa Ram had met Kashi Bai (mother of the peshwa, Balaji Baji Rao) who came to Varanasi on a pilgrimage with her Maratha escort to put forward a claim to his brother Mansa Ram’s estate.But Balwant singh was quick to complain to the imperial court that Dasa Ram was entangling the Marathas over Benares and subdued the Maratha overtures for the time being
In 1750 Ahmad Khan Bangash sent a detachment to Benaras, Azamgarh and Jaunpur and there was a havoc created in the city of Benares which remained in darkness for two days, people fled to distance places, charges for a journey in a bullock-cart rising to eighty rupees for a distance of a hundred miles or so. The bankers of the city, waited upon the invading Afghan chiefs and placated them by offering them handsome sums averting further crisis and the Afghans left with their booty.
Connexion of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar with the former Afghan ruler Sher Shah when he was a servant in the court of Raja Doman Dev and as the jagirdar’s son across Ganga from Kaithi in khawaspur Tanda, supplemented with 500 (five hundred horsemen ) cavalry and 4000 (Four Thousand) soldiers on foot (infantry)since long and with considerable experience of maintaining a healthy distance and escaping in the wilderness during skirmishes which did not concern them and where only a strong cavalry could dare venture, kept the Raghuvanshies aloof from the goings on in Benares, Jaunpur and Allahabad and Udit singh and Janak Rai lived frugally but peacefully in Kaithi with myriads of cousins all around who had sprung –up from Baba Pukar Rai of Niyar-deeh,who had fathered twelve sons from three queens ,come from Balrampur.
In 1754, when Shuja-ud-Daula succeeded Safdar Jung, Balwant singh made an unsuccessful attempt on the fort of chunar, causing displeasure of the new Nawab and Balwant Singh had to pay by now fourteen lakhs of rupees as a tribute to the famous Nawab of Avadh. Balwant Singh preferred lying low as far as the Nawab was concerned, with strained relations. However he did not hesitate in foiling Fazi Ali, the Govenor of Ghazipur in 1757, when an attempt was made to undermine his position and he retaliated by seizing the sirkar of Ghazipur itself and partitioning it among his own people.” Shuja-ud-Daula invaded Benares, put Balwant singh to flee and captured Latifpur. On extortion of an indemnity of twenty-five lakhs of rupees from the Raja, the Nawab declared peace.
In 1759, the Marathas re-opened negotiations with Imad-ul-Mulk the vizir of lthe imperial government, for securing a sanad which would enable them to make the Ganga their boundary at least as far as Benaras. But as the Vizir was on friendly terms with the Nawab he refused to concede to Maratha’s demands.
In 1760, shuja-ud-Daula called upon Balwant singh to stop the advance of Mirza Ali Gauher (who became the Emperor under the title of Shah Alam II) on the fort of Allahabad. The opposing forces met at Saidraja, but Raja Balwant Singh let the prince go away, while his ally, Muhammad Ali Kuli Khan (the Governor of Allahabad) was compelled to surrender and was sent as a prisoner to the Nawab Vizir. Shuja-ud-Daula induced Shah Alam to join him at Benares and they decided to seize the person of Balwant singh, who promptly escaped to the hills with all his valuables and property, and the Nawab’s design failed as on previous occasions. Balwant Singh remained undisturbed for two years till 1763 when Mir Kasim came to Benares and joined cause with Shah Alam and Shuja-ud-Daula against the British. In spite of his unwillingness, Balwant Singh was compelled to join the emperor, but though he supplied 2000 horses and 5000-foot soldiers, his lukewarm attitude led the Nawab to stop him from taking an active part in the battle.
In 1764, Balwant singh hastily retreated from the battle of Buxar and went to Ramnagar and then to Latifpur, where he made peace with the British. After the battle a treaty was concluded between the East India company and Shah Alam at Benares under which the province of Benares (including the adjoining districts) was transferred to the East India company, which in turn leased-out the zamindari of the province to Balwant singh, who in turn agreed that a British Resident be posted at Ramnagar.But the Court of Directors in England refused to accept the provisions of the treaty and Benares was transferred to Avadh though Balwant singh was guaranteed the possessions of the domains held by him as before the conclusion of the Treaty.
Shuja-ud-Daula however gave battle to British near Sheopur but he was defeated by Colonel Carnac. The latter leased out to Balwant Singh the sirkar of Benares and adjoining territories, on his agreeing to increase his annual revenue to twenty and a quarter lakhs of rupees by another three lakhs. The British guaranteed non-interference on the part of Shuja-ud-Daula as far as the revenue was concerned.
In 1765, a treaty was concluded at Allahabad between Shah Alam, Shuja-ud-Daula and the East India Company by which Benares was restored to Shuja-ud-Daula on condition that Balwant Singh’s position would not be disturbed. The relations between Balwant Singh and Shuja-ud-Daula now became more strained, although the Raja paid his dues more punctually, the Nawab was hostile to him because the British protected him and as Balwant singh always avoided attending the court of Avadh. The Nawab Vizir tried to oust him in 1767, when he was saved by Clive, who however got enhanced the revenues paid by Balwant singh. In the following year, when an attempt was made by Shuja-ud-Daula to seize the Raja’s person (during a visit of the Govenor –General to the Nawab Vizir when the latter was in Varanasi) the British came to his rescue a second time, but he had to pay ten lakh of rupees to the Nawab Vizir.
After the death of Balwant singh for Chait singh to succeed he had to pay a nazrana of seventeen lakhs of rupees and two and a half lakhs of rupees annually, in addition to the revenue he was already paying. On October 10th, 1770, he was installed as Raja with the rights and privilege that had been enjoyed by Balwant singh and in recognition of the event the customary roles of investiture; elephants and other presents were bestowed upon, on behalf of the Nawab Vizir. Shuja-ud-Daula himself visited Benares in Feb. 1771. He was received at Phulpur by Chait singh on Feb. 8th on whom he bestowed a robe of investiture, a turban and a sword as well as a Jagir. On Feb 11th, Shuja-ud-Daula conferred with General Barker on the situation arising out of the activities of the Marathas and the Rohillas and when he paid a visit to Chait singh’s Capital, Ram Nagar, nine days later, the new Raja presented him with cash, elephants, horses, jewels and valuable lengths of clothes. The Nawab placed his own turban on Chait singh ‘s head and gave him a sword at the time of his departure from Benares on Feb.21. In Feb. 1773 Warren Hastings and Shuja-ud-Daula accorded full recognition to Chait singh by granting him a sanad. The province of Benares was handed over to him and in return he was to pay a sum of Rs.22,48,449.00 to the Nawab annually.
On may 21st , 1775 , the treaty of Lucknow was signed between Asaf-ud – Daula (the new Nawab Vizir ) and the East India company by which the Nawab agreed to cede to it in perpetuity the sovereignty of all the districts dependent on Chait singh together with the land cess and water duties. In the following year, on April 15, Chait singh was granted a sand confirming him in the zamindari of the province and making over to him the civil, criminal and police jurisdiction of Benares and Jaunpur, the mint of Benares, the custom duties and a number of monopolies in return for which he had to pay to the British a sum of Rs. 22, 66, 180/- annually. His annual revenue was also increased by 2 ½ lakhs of rupees. He was considered by the British to be their richest and most powerful subject. From now on a British Resident was also posted at Benares.
The actual trouble arose in 1778 between the Raja and warren Hastings, when the letter asked him to pay five lakhs of rupees as an extra ordinary subsidy to meet the expenses of the East India company’s army. Chait singh paid the sum but with great reluctance, but when the demand was repeated in the following year, he tried to avoid paying it. Warren Hasting realized the money with the help of the army. In 1780, he adopted a similar course and when the British feared an attack from the Nizam and the Marathas in November of that year he asked Chait singh to furnish a cavalry of 2000 force. The Raja refused and did so again when the demand was reduced to one thousand. In retaliation Warren Hastings resolved to exact a penalty of fifty lakhs from him and began to interfere in his internal affairs so as to find an opportunity, which could be utilized to this end. To execute his plan Warrant Hastings personally set out from Calcutta for Benares in July 1781.He encamped in Kabir chaura in the heart of the city and demanded that the Raja explain his conduct. When Chait Singh tried to justify his action, he ordered his arrest and besieged his palace at Shivala Ghat. As soon as the army of Chait singh received this intelligence it became furious and crossing the Ganga reached shivala Ghat to resist the attack and besieged the enemy’s troops. Although they were strengthened by reinforcements the Governor General’s troops were not well equipped with ammunition and were over –powered by the Raja’s troops and practically all their officers and men were killed. Chait Singh let himself down from a postern gate in his palace and slipped into the river under the cover of the dark and escaped. Warren Hastings tried to seize the fort of Ramnagar and also ordered two officers to pursue chait singh but the latters forces repulsed the British troops which had to retreat. As Warren Hastings had only a small force left, his position became precarious and like his opponent he too fled from Benares towards Bengal on a dark and rainy night. When the Raja’s men heard that the Governor General had run away they plundered his camp. But Warren Hasting returned with reinforcement and installed Mahip Narain Singh as a successor to Chait singh. The amount to be paid to the British by the Benares estate was increased to forty lakhs and the Government would appoint Magistrate for the city. First being Ali Ibrahim Khan.
Chait singh is considered a big hero in Varanasi of today while fewer people have heard of Raja Balwant singh who was a great administrator, wily expansionist and a clever subordinate of the Nawab and the British. Chait singh’s mother was a Raghuvanshi princess of Hariharpur, Dobhi and she had ensured that only Chait singh’s will succeed Balwant singh, in the face of strong opposition of the sardars of Garh Gangapur. If it was not for her resolute determination Mahip Narain singh, infant son of Balwant singh’s duaughter would have succeeded Balwant Singh in 1770.
Contemporary of Chait singh in Kaithi who is being projected was first read as chait singh by the translater Sagar Singh Muharrir, and later pronounced as Janak Raj as Jeem and che are quite similar in “baithauwa Urdu”. There was connection between Ramnagar and Kaithi as some body-builders and pahelwans of Kaithi were in the employ of the Raja of Ramnagar perpetually, as it was related to me by the chief Sardar of the Raja of Ramnagar who waw close relative. So impressed by the deeds of bravery and cunning of Raja Balwant Singh, Raghuvanshi’s first house may have named Udit Singh’s son as chait Singh or it could be that chet or chait was a popular name at that era of the feudals. This can be ascertained on closer inspection of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
Chait Singh no doubt was a hero and understood the cunning and designs of the East India Company and the British. He contacted the Marathas, and the trusted lieutenant of his father perhaps sold him to Warrant Hastings and acquired a Jagir while the great Hero Mahadji Scindia became greedy for additional fifty lakhs of rupees to deny help to Chait singh when he escaped and reached Gwalior in 1786. Chait Singh also tried for help from the Peshwa, and Nawab Vizir but wily British came to know of it and the plan was foiled. Chait Singh’s plan was to exterminate the power of the British by arresting Warren Hastings but his own men leaked the information to Warren Hastings and he sent for enforcement from Patna who attacked Chait Singh and the force of other zamindars from the back when the force to arrest Warren Hastings were facing towards Benares and heading to cross the Ganga(nearly 34000 Infantry) and history of Benares was stopped from being changed. More rightly, not only of Benares but also of the entire sub-continent. If warren Hastings was taken prisoner or was executed after a trial in Benares, that could have been the end of the East India Company’s operations in India and the British may have packed their baggage and started their operations in some remote corner of Africa. Another fact to be noted is about the force of 500 cavalry and 4000 foot soldiers maintained by the Raghuvanshi settlers to countermand the designs of usurping village after village by repeating the midhight dance of death from one village to another from Dobhi in Jaunpur to Ghazipur and Mirzapur of Raja Balwant Singh, came to fight for his son Chait Singh against Warren Hastings and may be Udit Singh’s son indeed took the name of Chet singh himself after having seen the bravery of Chait Singh of Ramnagar. The Raghuvanshi connection of Hariharpur in Dobhi may have been the raisson- d’aitr’e.
Thus the sovereignty of Benares passed in the hands of the British and one more Raghuvanshi of Katehar’s family fought against them – the grand son Chet Singh or Janak Rai by name of Jaipal singh who fought alongside veer senani Kunwar Singh and was reported missing in 1857-1858 mutiny against the British. Further his great grand son Rishabh Deo singh was imprisoned on 9th of August 1942, in ‘Quit India’ movement, but was soon released by W.W.Finlay, ICS on the intervention of his civilian brother, Ram Rup Singh. The arrest was dramatic and on the orders of Neadersoul, Special officer in Benares and a friend of Rishabh Deo Singhji, J.S. Lall, I.C.S. Joint Magistrate and the City Magistrate of Benares came to Kaithi for having tea with his friend and had his tea on our chabutara.
Then he whispered something in the ears of his Raghuvanshi friend and they told the grand father Bharat Singh that they were going to Benares together and they left in the Magistrate’s private Car. Only after night had fallen did the people realize that Rishabhdeo Singh was arrested for burning the Kaiser Hind Aerodrome on their own land and of other thirteen villages, adjoining, including of Rajwari.The Raghuvanshies although having given away Ayodhya to the family priest should have turned hermits like Maharaj Nain Deo and retired from the world and should have faded away. But one by one from Shalhe Kunwar, to Noneye Rao in Kashmir, to Baba Doman Deo to Baba Bharat singh, they all lived a normal family life with all human desires of power and pelf because on failing to attain that they could easily say they have long before denounced the world. the best example was indeed Bharat Singh who lived a long life, 105 or 110 years, and worshipped and prayed every morning in the Temple of Markandey Mahadeo and lived most frugali, (out of compulsion may be but as a second nature, finally) but fought his battles vigorously of challenging the judgment in the case of his mother (Hansa Kunwar) against very well-off cousins.When she was required by junior cousins to partition the property of her husband’s ancestors, and contested it for four years; Bharat Singh vs. Bachcha Singh(Deep Narayan Singh) in 1904. And till 1934, he tried to save the family fortunes by skipping the name of this grandfather (Baba) that was Jaipal Singh who was a mutineer in the books of the British ,which accounts for his his son Ram Sunder Singh leave the house at the time of settlement of 1883-84 Bharat singh wrote his great grand- father’s name saying (Dada) which can be mistaken for Baba –he put down the name of Dada as Shiv Ratan Singh so much wile in a saint (a Mahayogi as described in Bhrigu- Sanhita). But so much necessary for saving the property which would feed his son and a nephew and the grand-sons and grand-nephews also the great grand-sons like myself (rest were looked after, quite well ).And a grandson of a martyr and a great great -grandson of a zamindar who tried to take Warren Hastinngs as a prisoner of Chait Singh, he rejoiced when his own grand-son joined the prestigious civil service under the British and organized uptil today the most famous and grandest of all “sringars” (Decorations )of the idol of sri Markandey Mahadeo whom he worshipped every day till the last but one day of his life on 6th Dec.1944.
From the 1770s the zamindari which had grown territorially at the expense of neighboring chiefs and zamindars acquiring sometimes a large measure of autonomy like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar having obtained a ‘sanad’ from Sher Shah for not paying any revenue on their holdings and stood aloof of the great influence of Raja Baalwant Singh (by supporting a cavalry and an infantry at all times to stand-by against mid-night raids)., came under the influence and then under the control of the English East India Company as part of a political settlement with the Nawab. The political scene in India by the middle of the eighteenth century had become one of continuous shifts and uncertainties. After the death off Muhammad Shah in 1748, the Mughal Emperor’s direct and effective rule came to cover only a small extent of territories in the north. Jats and Marathas were creating new kingdoms or loose imperial structures. After Bahadur Shah Zafar’s death in 1712, the opportunity for intervention in Indian politics thus brought about was increasingly exploited by wily Europeans.
After the clash of Raja Chait singh with Warren Hastings, the Banares region was exposed to much tighter control by the individual greed and ambition of the British and the administrative policies and practices, in revenue matters and justice of civil and criminal offences, as well as in internal customs duty started to shape-up by European ideas and experience. Also at the same time the region gained by the British influence on the economic life and prospered with rapid expansion of trade. The process of unbridled expansion came to a halt in a way with Duncan’s land revenue settlement having been declared to be permanent. The fluid situation had created local chiefs and enterprising Zamindars usurping the rights and properties of a weaker chiefs or Zamindars and shifts of power and restructuring of politics and society at local levels had been taking place during the entire eighteenth century until 1795. Consequently, Raja of Benares was left with only a limited jurisdiction in a small area known as “Benares Estate” and Benares, i.e. the eastern districts of Ballia (now also Mau), Ghazipur, Banaras, Jaunpur and Mirzapur (including Sonbhadra etc.) came under full British administration.
Benares like the rest of the country had agriculture as its base for economy. A share in the produce of the land formed the main source of income for both the state and local authorities. Effective control over land revenue was thus of the utmost importance. The produce of land was shared unequally by three different groups, i.e. the cultivator himself, the controller of the cultivators, i.e. the Zamindars or the intermediaries and finally the state. In the late eighteenth century the most noticeable effect of European activity, a commercial body turned administrator, was that of increased commercialization of agriculture, through producing sugar, opium and indigo.
But from the early 1780s when Benares was fully exposed to the interference of the British Residents and to the increased revenue demand of the East India Company, Benares went from bad to worse in being bled by the individual Brits, who may be former Company employees or their relatives. Consequently both agriculture and economy felt a marked decline. This carried on for a decade until Duncan’s arrival and his attempt at reforming the official machinery, by removing the abuses which had crept into the administration, after Chait Singh’s expulsion.
The process of change in the region was of particular interest ot historians, Benares being adjacent to Avadh and having developed in to a leading center of trade, attracting merchants from all over India. The city of Benares itself contained a mint and a number of banking firms like those of Kashmiri Mal, Bhaiyaram and Gopal Das, which transacted business on all India level. There were smaller bankers or “hundidars”, Who operated locally in the entire Benares region and acquired Zamindari rights on large tracts through the monetary gains of local banking system of ‘Hundies’ employing scores of Harkaras who honestly brought back the interest money or the original amount, by visiting villages and towns as far as saidpur in Ghazipur thirty-five kilometers away from Benares of the Bankers of Kamauli’s Gauri Shanker Singh and his brother Beni Madho Singh and similarly of a reknowned Banker Babu Gaya Singh of Chhotka Mirzapur.
Akbar the great (1556-1605) had created a province (Suba) of Allahabad, actually “Illahabad” on the religion fostered by him, the ‘Din-illahi’ and named on it. The subawas divided into four ‘Sircars’ (Sarkars) or districts of Jaunpur, Benares, Chunar and Ghazipur. It remained so till 1728, when it (Benares) was included in Avadh. Saadat Khan, the first Nawab of Awadh rented it to Mir Rustam Ali at eight lakhs of rupees a year. Mansa Ram was in the employ of Mir Rustam Ali and by his wily Court-Craft replaces Mir Rustam Ali and in 1739 Balwant Singh managed to make his emildari-Zamindari status permanent and later obtained the title of ‘Raja’ from Emperor Muhammad Shah. Balwant Singh was mainly concerned, at first to collect revenue in Janupur and Benares which were in the hands of officers appointed by the Nawab. The coins from the Benares mint were issued in the name of the Emperor as a symbol of sovereignty. The ‘quazis’ of the main towns were the appointees of the Emperor. The forts of Jaunpur and Chunar were garrisoned by the troops of the Nawab and the Emperor. In Fort William –secretary of state for India (later) correspondence and in the works of C.U.Atchison “Collection of treaties, engagements and Sanads”, interesting piece is found”. The supreme validating authority of the Mughal emperor, though his military and political power was nominal only, is obvious from the grant of the Banaras Zamindari to the Company in 1764 and of the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and part of the Orissa in 1765 by Shah Alam. The former arrangement, however, lasted less than a year because the court of Directors in London did not approve it. The Zamindari was restored to Awadh, the Nawab having agreed to allow Balwant Singh its possession on payment of regular revenue.”
Because of Balwant Singh’s several acts of non-payment of revenue to the Nawab, the relationship between the two remained strained, becoming bad to worse during the battle of Buxor in 1764. The Nawab knowing full well that Balwant Singh was in secret alliance with the British and had openly joined hand with them after Buxor. Yet why did the Nawab allow Balwant Singh to continue as the revenue Collector for himself. And why did the British support Balwant Singh to continue as the intermediary of the Nawab of Awadh, which was the objective of the newly named Raja to attend the British Camp. One could surmise that Balwant Singh wanted a breathing space from the Nawab’s super sovereignty, while the British wanted to create a buffer between Awadh and themselves and incursions of the Marathas in the west. Governor Cartier wrote to Balwant Singh in 1770. “I am sure you need no fresh assurances from me to certify you of the favour in which you stand with the English serdars (gentlemen), neither have I the smallest apprehension that we shall, at any time, repent of our protection or you of your Attachment. In these days when engagements and treaties are become the sport of capricious minds and friendship is a name found without principle and violated without Reserve. Our connection is a rare and perhaps a single instance where no suspicion lurks.”
It was the same close relationship with the English further down the line that secured the Zamindari for Chait Singh from Shuja-ud-daula in 1770. The Nawab wanted 10 lakhs over and above 22 lakhs annually as cess from Chait singh, and also to discontinue his possession of Latifgarh and Bijaygarh forts. But warren Hastings with his meeting with the Nawab managed to obtain a satisfactory Sanad for Chait Singh from the Nawab. Hastings did it in the name of Company’s interest, considering Chait Singh “a sure ally” and his “estate” a “strong barrier” between Awadh and Company’s possession of Bihar and Bengal.
After the death of Shaja-ud-Daula in 1775, a question of refreshing the treaty of 1765, with Awadh arose, for the Company. The supreme council in London decided by a majority vote that cession of Benares to the Company should be made a pre-condition to the treaty with the new Nawab for negotiations. So as per the treaty of Faizabad dated 21st May 1775, the sovereignty of Benares was ceded in perpetuity to the Company by the Nawab. Chait Singh was allowed by the Company to continue to manage the Zamindari of Benares.
So with the suzerainty of Company sarkar Bahadur a new era began for Benares.
At first some autonomy was retained (1775-81) then came the period of British interference in the internal affairs of Benares (1781-87) and finally the full control of the British (1788-95). For Indians of today this is most perplexing as to how the Brits who came as small traders started to control the entire administration of the country part by part and region to region. And still it will take a great and clever analysis by some great historian or social scientist to really understand the epochal phenomena that turned us into slaves. Let us take the example of Benares region. Balwant Singh did a lot for himself and from the position his father held first as a vassal of Nazim Mir Rustom Ali (Governor), who in turn was a subordinate official under the Nawab of Awadh, Saadat Khan, who rented Benares to Mir Rustom Ali at eight lakhs of rupees annually. Mansa Ram the Governor’s Vassal always went to Faizabad accompanying his master, where Mir Rustom Ali pleaded for more time and general forgiveness of the Nawab. Mansa Ram was clever enough to meet the Nawab and asked him to appoint himself as Governor on enhanced revenue rent by one lakh rupees or so. Mir Rustam Ali was an indolent boozer and was done away with during one of his drinking bouts on a pleasure boat on the river Ganges. So our friend Mansa Ram was given the duties of collecting revenue on additional charges. But he died within a year and got the rights of collecting revenue as an Amil-Zamindar from the Nawab for his son Balwant Singh.
Balwant Singh also obtained a saned of ‘Rajaship’ by the Emperor. The new Raja’s obligations to the Nawab was for payment of cess with provisions of troops, but Balwant Singh was not at all keen on fulfilling his obligations. He never made efforts to pay the Nawab and every time Nawab sent his troops to chastise or came himself, Balwant Singh ran to the thick forests of Mirzapur and drew small walls to hinder the progress of Nawab’s troops (which can be seen even today). He was so lucky that Nawab was almost always summoned back by the Emperor, faced with Rohillas attack in North-West or faced with some more important situation, giving another opportunity once again to resume control and mid-night slaughters and pillage of villages of Dobhi etc. and include them in his Zamindari. He was quick in submitting to the Nawab, whenever finding his position weak, offering him large sums and promising good conduct in future. Thus the relationship between Balwant Singh and the Nawab (Shuja-ud-Dullah by now) were not at all cordial, and they became particularly strained after the Nawab found-out that Balwant Singh had sided the British, secretly, in the battle of Buxor in 1764.
Now how could the British put any pressure on Shuja-ud-Daula to continue Balwant Singh as the Amil Zamindar of the region? Just as suited them so at the time of renewal of the treaty of Buxor to create a buffer zone between Bihar, Bengal and Awadh, so that they remained safely out of reach of any war like designs of the Nawab of Awadh, on his own or on Emperor’s behest.
Consequently, on death of Balwant Singh, Chait Singh’s succession to Zamindari from Shuja-ud-Daula in 1770 came about because of the patronage of British, although much against the wishes of the Nawab, who wanted ten lakh of rupees over and above annual revenue rent of twenty two lakhs for the region. Same watten Hasyings who helped Chait Singh in 1773 during his meeting with Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula, was after the blood of Chait Singh and the new treaty of 1775 in Faizabad with Asaf-ud-duala was made with a condition of ceding the sovereignty of Benares in perpetuity to the company and allowing Chait Singh to function merely as a revenue collector for the region.
We can pin-point the doings, conduct and ill-will of Balwant Singh towards the woes of his son Chait Singh. Had he conducted himself in an orderly and graceful manner and paid the revenue regularly to the Nawab, the British could not intervene between the Raja and the Nawab, the British could not intervene between the Raja and the Nawab, wedging them apart and creating an empire for themselves. Katehar’s forces joining 34000 strong troop failed to capture warren Hastings and Chait Singh rain for life leaving the field free for Jonathan Duncan to run his will and the dictates of the Governor General in Council and of the Company’s Supreme Council in London. Gradually done, it took nearly twenty years (1775-1795) for the British to harness full control over the administration of the Benares region. There was virtual autonomy existing for Chait Singh to manage the region although under the acknowledge sovereignty of the company as per the agreement between them reached in April 1776. in fact the Brits gave added power to Chait Singh of administration of Civil and Criminal justice and of the Benares mint, which was, earlier in the hands of the officials of the Nawab, for which Brits made Chait Singh pay 23,40,249 sicca rupees as the annual revenue of Benares to the Company and not to the Nawab. It looked at first as if Chait Singh had become virtual ruler of Benares, under the sovereignty of the Company Sarkar Bahadur. He felt better than being under the Nawab. Initially the British resident was only for collecting the revenue from the Raja. The British held suzerainty, but did not exercise any authority. The spirit of the company’s agreement with Chait Singh was designed to obtain “revenue without territory” as it was put by a member of the Governor General’s Council. But after expelling chait Singh watten Hastings and the British motive became clear. Both Balwant Singh and Chait Singh were used to eliminate the control of Awadh over Benares.
With Mahip Narain Singh as the new Raja, the British started interfering in the internal matters. Ali Ibrahim Khan was appointed Chief Judge and Magistrate of newly established city courts under the British. The Magistrate was made directly responsible to the Governor General in Council and was no longer under the authority of the Raja. Raja was not allowed to keep troops of his own and the sepoys required for enforcement of revenue collection were supplied by the British on request and residents recommendations. Gradually the management of the mint was also taken out of the hands of the Raja. First the British got these powers away from the Nawabs and had them vested in the Raja (Chait Singh) and later after expelling Chait Singh, they confiscated those powers away from the new Raja, Mahip Narain Singh. Most of all Raja was now forbidden to build forts or rights of defenses which was enjoyed by Chait Singh. The annual revenue now payable by the Raja was fixed in perpetuity at forty lakh of rupees. It was assessed that forty nine lakhs was the net revenue capacity of the region, although Jonathan Duncan in 1787 in his first major report estimated the gross annual collection for the region to forty five lakhs.
By the time Mahip Narain Singh came and new arrangement came about for him, his position had become much weaker. He was technically still the head of the revenue administration of the region and also of judiciary. Except in the city of Benares where company had appointed Ali Ibrahim Khan and vested all powers to him. But actually the Raja’s position was much undermined by the Resident who was growing his clout everyday, ignoring the orders of the Board of Revenue in Calcullta, so as not to interfere in the internal revenue matters. They misused their power in the appointment of amils and took money in bribe.
Lord Cornwallis wrote in 1787- ill as I thought of the late system of Banaras, I found it on enquiry much worse than I could have conceived. The Resident although not regularly vested with any power, enjoyed the almost absolute government of the country without control.”
He appointed Jonathan Duncan a man of great capabilities in revenue matters and held in highest estimation both by Europeans and Indians in Bengal as Resident with orders to reform the administration and to introduce new principles of political organization. Thus began the last phase to put the last nails in the Coffins of the native rule, only rulers remained alive for namesake.
At this time Chet Singh was the leader of the first house of Katehar, Udit Singh being the contemporary of Balwant Singh and relations not being cordial between the two as for midnight raids by Balwant Singh on Dobhi Villages, like Hariharpur from where he picked up the mother of Chait Singh after killing her father, and the Reghuvanshies of Katehar being compelled to maintain expensive forces of 500 strong Cavalry and 4000 strong Infantry to restrain the new revenue Collector of the Nawab of Avadh, further titled by the Emperor, masquerading at will the secluded and detached Villages from the core group and plant his relations in place of the original owners of various tribes of Rajputs, Koeries and Brahmins. But after the demise of Balwant Singh and Chait Singh being the son of a Raghuvanshi princess,the fondness of katehar grew for Ramnagar household and a regular strongman from Kaithi remained in Ramnagar fort to safeguard the life of Chait Singh from scheming sardars of Garh Gangapur, original home of Mansa Ram and Balwant Singh and no one being favourable to Chait Singh being made the successor of Balwant Singh. This arrangement carried-on even after Chait Singh went to live in Gwalior, after being expelled by warren Hastings. The last Pahalwan of Kaithi in Ram Nagar Fort was known to the first sardar of the Raja of Ramnagar, Sri Devendra Bahadur Singh, who told me of the tale of the palace intrigues. In the first house of Katehar the first born of Udit Singh was named as Chet Singh (in honouring the newly found companionship with Raja Chait Singh) who was born in 1760, in the House of Sees Chand in Kaithi, Katehar.
With the growing powers of the Resident, Mahip Narain Singh a collateral relative of Chait Singh was gradually pushed in the background and became a mere signatory to the orders passed by the Resident and his European assistants. Duncan persuaded the Raja to relinquish the administration of Benares to the British and was left with limited jurisdiction in some areas, later known as the family domain of the Raja. The agreement was signed on 27th October 1794.
The Governor General in Council passed the regulations for governance of the region on the model of Bengal and the decennial settlement done by Jonathan Duncan was declared permanent in 1795. An English collector and several European assistants were appointed for the whole region. Indian Judges of the Courts of Benares, Ghazipur, Jaunpur and Mirzapur were replaced by Europeans. A court of Appeal and Circuit with three judges, who were all British, and a European Registrar was established for the Benaras region, the Chief Judge of which was constituted agent to the Governor General in political concerns. By 1795, Benares was brought under full British Control and started to be governed as part of Bengal and later on as a part of the North Western provinces.
So long the Raghuvanshies of specially Katehar governed their affairs on the premise that it was a gift to them from Raja Banar, so to say, a legendry Gharwar king who returned from the ashes of the Gahadwal or Gaharwar king’s dynasty of Benares( of Kashi and Kanauj)and who withdrew to Kantit in Mirzapur, to build a fort in Rajghat, where layer upon layer of terracotta is being unearthed by the Archaeological surveys of the Govt. of India, Specially by Minister for Culture, Sri Jag Mohan.Much light will be thrown by these excavations at Rajghat on the legend of Raja Banar or whether it belonged to the settlement of some earlier dynasty. Raghuvanshies of Katehar also depended upon their proximity to Tanda or to be precise Khawaspur- Tanda and rulers of the region, particularly Sher Shah Suri, who became great friends with Raja Doman Deo of Chandravati, a first cousin of Sees Chand of the first house of Katehar, established in Kaithi. Sher Shah held a great court (Darbar) in Katehar, either in the Bag Malikan of Kaithi or in Chandravati though by now deserted by Doman Deo, on fleeing from there, after the attack of Sher Shah’s stupid or ignorant General, demanding forces, ration, money and ammunitions from Doman Deo for Sher Shah’s Bengal expedition Sher Shah honoured Doman Deo with the title of ‘Raja’ and “Raghuvansh Shiromani” and issued a Farman for the rulers of Benares, so as not to exact any cess, revenue or taxes from the Pargana of Katehar, which he took to be the fiefdom of Doman Deo alone, although it was occupied by the twelve sons of Baba Pukar Rai son of Birhaj Rai of Niyardeeh or Kot and Doman Deo and Sees Chand represented only the first son of Pukar Rai, by name of Rai Khemraj Singh. Thus the ‘Sanad’ issued by Sher Shah was used or misused to eschew payment or revenue to any occupying force in Benares. Duncan has noted that in some cases Zamindars brotherhood formed a Corporate group and they refused to enter into separate revenue engagements and kept their lands together. About Rajput (Raghuvanshi) Zamindars of Katehar paragana in Benares district, Duncan observed “It was proposed to the Zamindars of this Talookah to take ‘pottahs’ for their respective shares, but this they declined as they declared such shares or ‘pattees’ had never been divided and they were willing and anxious to keep together and did not therefore wish or desire to have separate pottahs.”
In a situation of this type where coparcener’s shares were mixed, and not made distinct, the lease came in the name of the principal of the family and hardly any exhaustive list of all Coparcener Zamindars was mentioned by the settlement of Duncan, creating chaos and confusion amongst the co-parceners. This was the tactics thought to be best at the time since Sher Shah gave the Raghuvanshies of Katehar his ‘Sanad’ so as not to pay any revenue for Katehar in order to deal with ambitious, treacherous, unscrupulous and skilled in allaying the suspicions of others (Wilton Oldham on Balwant Singh- 1870) and ruthless tax collectors alongside to maintain a Cavalry and Infantry to save their property and women, as it depended upon the proportion of infantry maintained by Rajput, Brahmins and Bhumihars for all districts almost exactly reflects the proportion of land they controlled. Raghuvanshies were notably strong in Cavalry as an important arm to have held Katehar intact from if not 1212 (gifted by Raja Banar) then defacto since 1435 A.D. when a large cavalry from Raja Balrampur joined the household of Baba Pukar Rai, who married all the three daughters of Balrampur Raja. This made Baba Pukar Rai invincible against the Soeries for occupation of Katehar and great horsemen of Rai Chan Singh, Sees Chand , Male Chand and Doman Deo. When Domen Deo and Sees Chand met in the riverine belt of Gomti, over suzerainty of Kaithi in view of the declaration of Sher Shah, they were both on horsebacks, and Sees Chand, although nearing ninety years held the reins of Doman Deo’s horse (thirty years his junior cousin) and demanded a promise from him to leave Kaithi alone from his fiefdom and indeed honouring the seniormost member of the dynasty, Doman Deo only too readily agreed; that Kaithi will be a sovereign region in itself; though retaining Bhandahan and Pandey ka Pura marking boundry to Sees Chand’s domain before Rajwari’s boundary began. Doman Deo ordered to give the adjoining lands, to Kaithi, to Brahmins and Gossains of the temple.
In the early eighteenth century there were a lot of Rajput Zamindars chiefly who had armed themselves with their own youngsters and of some mercenary fighters like the Chauhans ( having left Delhi after the defeat of Prithvi Raj into fighting fit Infantry and Cavalry ). Survived better than others and hence were able to hold on to more land than Brahmins, Bhumihars or Muslims. One thing may be said that the Zamindars were not bound to maintain any set number of Calvary of infantry for the estate, as a Jagirdar was bound to keep. There is no historical record that such local forces, cavalry or infantry being employed for any warfare of the estate. On the other hand there is the concrete example of Doman Deo refusing to give his force on the asking of Sher Shah’s General for his Bengal expedition. Indeed Doman Deo had to suffer and flee from Chandravati to Laxamgarh and his mud-fortress was decimated by the General.
Thus the only class of Zamindars who preserved their proprietary rights like the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, tolerably well in the eighteenth century were the Sengars of Lakhnesar in Ballia, the Bisens of Badlapur and Bais of Singramau in Jaunpur . They organized better and held on to the guerrilla warfare on the tax-collectors, more interested in expansionism and installing their kith and kin. Such clansmen served the raja with united opposition and the raja let them be than loose some of his men in warfare and hinder the collection of revenue further. However, except for Katehar, same was not the usual deploy of the Zamindars in Benares region. There was a regular struggle between the Raja and the Zamindar in eighteenth century Benares, to be able to obtain maximum benefit from the land. A letter from Raja Mahip Narain Singh explains…. In the time of Maharaj Balwant Singh, the plan of the settlement of the country was not in one way or mode. Whenever he knew it proper to receive the ‘Malguzary’ or revenue from the hands of the Zamindars, he did so and wherever he knew the Zamindars to be wicked desolators, and such men as the revenue would not be effected by, he there made the village cucha and took the revenue.”
The result of such ruthlessness no less than two thousand Zamindars had lost their Zamindari rights during the time of Balwant Singh, as recorded by Duncan in 1790. As Collector of Ghazipur, Wilton Oldham recorded in 1870.
“Village proprietary bodies were for the most part allowed to remain in possession (sic), but their status was changed. They were reduced to the condition of Cultivators and obliged to pay the total annual assets of the Village, except a trifling gratuity for their support called” Nankar” and “Muafee mamoolee”.
So in making a village ‘Cucha’ as per Mahip Narain Singh in reference to the tactics of Raja Balwant Singh, it was that the Zamindars who were erring in the eyes of Balwant Singh, were deprived of their income from the village surplus, they were, yet, allowed to keep their personal farm lands at a favourable ‘Jamma’ as compared to other village renters.
Jonathan Duncan and his two European assistants took over the direct revenue administration of the region in collaboration with Raja Mahip Narain Singh. Generally the rules of Bihar settlement were to be followed, depending on local conditions. Bihar also had a decennial settlement. Most of all it was to be decided as to who held the Zamindari rights or to whom should the right to act as revenue Collector over a given area be granted on sacking of the despotic ‘amils’ in principle it was held that only those Zamindars who held and proved their ‘defacto’ possession, subsequent to 1st July 1775 (the date of final transfer of sovereignty of Benares to the East India Company) should be recognized as actual Zamindars to settle Company’s revenue, whom the illiterate Indians looked upon to be the government. Revenue receipts, a patta from former revenue officials, entry in the Quanungos records or the sworn statement of local leaders in the area. The Raghuvansgies in Katehar held no receipts or pattas, so each vouchsafed for other to be his Zamindar and himself to be the Cultivator, or the clean and family head to be the Zamindar and himself to be the cultivator, making Duncan perplexed and commenting as he did in the previous pages. Each one, as Ram Rup Singh once commented was a Zamindar and a Cultivator at the same time, giving rise to the term “Sir Khudkast”, perhaps as just “Sir” or “Seer” itself meant Khudkast in the revenue terminology.
Permanent Settlement: this is the third Chapter for Publisher’s assessment,please.
Leases were granted to Taluqdars and Zamindars or else with revenue farmers and lastly if no one coming forward, the village would be left unsettled the company official directly collecting the revenue from the cultivators, being called raiyati village. In terms of area two thirds were settled with Zamindar- Taluqdar, one fourth was leased to revenue farmers and about one twelfth remained ‘amani’ about fifteen percent of the total revenue was alienated to jagirdars and muaafidars, like the raja and members of his family who had jagirs as well as others who were allotted land in perpetuity by Hastings like Raja Ausan Singh was given Saidpur Bhitri , for services rendered.
The first major step to control land and give it a permanent structure was taken in Bengal by East India Company in 1791, when they informed the Banaras landholders of the continuance of their leases for all their life so long they paid the revenue imposed on them. By Regulation 1 of 1795 the Zamindars, taluqdars and the revenue farmers with whom settlement had been made in 1789 were declared proprietors of their land in perpetuity. Although the Zamindars or the owners of the villages of Katehar held proprietory rights since 1212 or 1435 in perpetuity , they still accepted the new arrangements of the British, as if relived of the burden of warding-off various amils, rajas and revenue collectors since the beginning of the eighteenth century at least and the burden and expenses of maintaining a force of Cavalry and infantry in readiness at all times. With Duncan’s settlement an area of peaceful existence began for the Raghuvanshies of Katehar. The settlement of 1789-90 was declared permanent in 1795. The settlement fixed the land revenue in perpetuity and made the proprietors of land secure as long as they observed their obligations to the East India company and their regulations. They could transfer their rights to others by sale or mortgage in case of need of money. As a result the cultivating populace became prosperous and secure and a new class of the landed gentry grew on the outskirts of Benares town. The land became good.
Duncan wrote in 1795:
“I can safely add, that land is already become in Benares a most desirable property, if I may judge from the degree of avidity not infrequently degenerating into violence, that is now evinced by the parties to acquire it, in so much that I may aver the Excess of this desire to be at present by far the principal, if not the only serious evil existing in this part of the country.”
The first house of Katehar in Kaithi had Shiv Ratan Singh and his three younger brothers, Shiv Ghulam Singh and others at the time of permanent settlement of Duncan and having seen the fate of their father Janak Rai (or Chet Singh of Katehar) failing with all the 34000 strong fighting men and the attendant Cavalry in capturing Warren Hastings on the bidding of Raja Chait Singh of Ramnagar fort; Shiv Ratan Singh entered into settlement with Jonathan Duncan on behalf of the house of Sees Chand. Other cousins sired by Male Chand’s descendants did likewise and entered into settlement too, even though it lacked a proper survey and ‘Partal’ for exact demarcation of the plots, being cultivated by various cousins by family settlement and named as “Khans” sub-section of the entire reverine belt so divided dependant on the contours of the river Gomti, with names like ‘Nahar’ ‘Bhainsahni’ ‘Sihore’, ‘Mazqur’ ‘Semri’ etc. then cousins from Rampur village across Gomti shared Zamindari rights on certain belts of riverine area, although they being descendants of Doman Deo, names of both being found together in 1795 records is quite unique. As to the yield, the measures of growth and quality of land was assessed by Sher Shah’s and Raja Todar Mal (Revenue Minister of Akbar the great) administration, it was lacking in Duncan’s settlement and ‘Bangar’ ‘deeh’ ‘damar’ were all recorded in the same category as good soiled land. So the cousin who was settled ‘deeh’ ‘damar’ en-block suffered and migrated elsewhere, like the descendants of Laxmi Chand, the third brother of Sees Chand, whom he had given one and half annas from his share after he was born to Madan Chand in old age and on refusal of second brother Male Chand to part anything from his share.
So Laxmi Chand’s descendants in their eleventh generation left their fore-father’s village and went to settle on the Gomti’s fertile belt near village Tekuri and called their hamlet as ‘Laxmi Chand ka pura’. Duncan’s assistants like Ram Chandra Pandit ( of Ballia), Shankar Pandit and Mehendi Ali Khan (of Gazipur), Shivlal Dube (of Jaunpur) and Umrao Singh(of Benares), depended largely on Zamindars brotherhood, which they understood well from their long experience in revenue collection, principles of earlier settlements and the over-riding rights of the Zamindar as against the rights of the ‘raiyats’ (Ram Chandra Pandit) report on “Zamindars and raiyats” submitted to Duncan on 14th July 1789, BRC 21st October 1789 and Mehandi Ali Khan to Duncan, 25th May 1794- Board of Revenue, Calcutta, Nov. 1794), so there was a general failure to record the rights of the subordinate proprietors, wherever such case was existent, like in some villages of Katehar there were original Soeries still in possession of land, where they held out despite Raghuvanshies predominance with their horses and fighting men. There were some stray instances where a Soeries lass won over a Raghuvanshy lad and the whole village survived the onslaught of Baba Pukar Rai’s invading army led by his twelve sons and generals from Balrampur from where his three consorts came.
However these omissions led to as demonstrated by Cohn “between 1795 and 1840, each of these defects of the settlement affected the positions of land-holders and was instrumental in the transfer of rights to land” (from structural change in Indian Rural Society).
Duncan was sympathetic to the rural gentry of Benares and did not apply the harsh measures adopted by Board of Revenue at Calcutta to order for public auction for sale of the property of revenue defaulters. Instead he brought forward six milder measures, like distraint of crops and other assets of the defaulting proprietors, imprisonment, collection by specially appointed officer directly from the cultivators on behalf of revenue payers etc. To deal with the defaulters and the sale of land was to be the last resort. Although Duncan’s recommendations were indeed put down in the regulations, but the British nevertheless, did resort to auction sale as the only method. As for imprisonment of revenue defaulters was practiced even during my childhood and some perpetual defaulters were sent to the lock-up in Tahsil for one or two days. But they emerged-out like heroes as now they won’t be paying any revenue for the whole year. It won’t be nice to name them, as it could hurt the feelings of their descendants. Auction sale also affected the position of sub-proprietors or of the co-parcener, whose names were left unrecorded at the time of the settlement.
Land control under the landed gentry faced much upheaval under the two rajas of Gangapur and then again under the British Control. Balwant Singh brought down even the most powerful neighbours to submit to their cunning and wile and many were dispossessed by them of their Zamindari and homes.
British were unable to restore such Zamindars to their former positions with an exception of raja of ‘Agori Barhar. Rest of the Zamindars and Rajas were given ‘malikana’ allowances in lieu of their Zamindari. The village zamindars who were also affected by the policy of Balwant Singh were recognized by the British (in the name of fair play) as the actual land owners. All those who had lost their zamindari rights prior to 1775 were yet in a dis-possessed state. Some who were restored to their former possessions at the time of settlement lost their lands for failure of revenue payments in the post settlement period. The ‘amils’ under the new title of ‘tahsilar’ under the British prospered further by receiving an official commission of 11.5 per cent on collection. They were well acquainted with tricks which were liable to yield more than entered in official records from being under assessed at the time of settlement of 1789-90 and through their positions they could have such estates brought to the block (Cohn). There is an observation from a Judge of Jaunpur district in 1815, as follows:
“The most serious grievance from the Tahsildari system was the great change in landed property. By their authority to attach crops, until security could be given for the years revenue, the landholder was thrown entirely into the power of the Tahsildar, and perhaps from the ignorance of the business and being unable to procure security, left the arrangements of his affairs to the Tahsildar, who had always dependants of his own, ready to become the nominal security and at the end of a few years the unsuspecting landholder found himself unexpectedly called upon for a balance of revenue for the preceding years, with interests and costs therein, and his estate (was) taken, into the Tahsilders hands as “Amanee”. If the landholder despairing of the result of a contest with the Tahsildar, contented himself with a few bights of ‘Neej-jote” land, the estate ultimately fell to the Tahsildar, who obtained a pottah for it from the Collector in the name of some dependent, as a re-settlement of land fallen Amanee; if on the contrary, the land holder had courage to defend his property, the Tahsildar applied for the sale of the Estate in satisfaction of the pretended balance. A “Jumma Wasil Bakee” account formed by the Sheristadars was received as incontestable evidence of the balance, the Estate was sold irrevocably and purchased by the Tahsildar in some fictitious name”.
Shiv Lal Dube and Devki Nandan Singh were Tahsilders of that era, creating large estate for their descendants, what was achieved by Balwant Singh through mid-night raids and administrative manipulations under the Nawab of Avadh, skill in manipulation of legal and administrative forms achieved for Shiv Lal Dube, making him Raja of Jaunpur under the British.
Rajas fell and Nawabs were sacked because they posed a threat or annoyed the power that be, but villages carried on being for generation to generation and century to century, nothing realling changing till the revolution in communications of any kind. A village and an important but forgotten dynasty could carry on living unmolested, with only a token show of force, when unscrupulous and ruthless revenue collectors or amils or rajas came on the scene, sometime joining forces with them when a larger threat loomed decidedly on the horizon, but in order to maintain dignity and honour of women, they stood as a force. Yet basically villages like those founded by grand children of Baba Pukar Rai remained simple but salf-sufficient entity, not needing a thing from outside and neither venturing out and stay incognito to remain unknown, unobserved and unsung, except for the occasional visit of the family bard, who stayed for a few days and recorded new berths in the forgotten dynasty. Duncan put a rough estimate of rural population at 26,00,000, cultivated area in Bighas as 27,10,000 and Revenue in rupees as 47,00,000 or about Rs. 400/- on a village of small population of 200 and landed area of 226 Bighas. The first census in 1865, officials recorded 4,452,408 bighas under cultivation and a total population of 4,205,351 and in 1872 some 5,611,456 bighas and 4,395,252 as population in the whole of Benares region. The reported area by Duncan was almost equally divided between agriculturists and non-agriculturists. The figures in 1872 of percentage of agriculturists varied from 68 in Jaunpur, 52 in Mirzapur, 54 in Ghazipur and 43 in Benares. These figures testify to the data of Duncan in 1790 and shows continuous influence of urban Benares on rural area by way of importance of handicrafts and service industries in the economy of the region. Benares was also an important religious center for the entire Hindu world, feeding multitudes of pilgrims and a great center of consumption and a thriving market of permanent importance for the various agricultural products of the regions, like the grain markets of Visheshwarganj and Khojawan from where produce of the region found its way to Bengal, Bihar, Nepal and Deccan. Bankers and Hoondidars of Benares had an all India role; even the revenue paid by the raja was transferred by “Hoondi” to the East India Company’s headquarters. The system of advances by the Indian and European Merchants encouraged production for the market, of cottons and silks, of refined sugar, Indigo and opium, of yearly value of several crores of rupees. It would be surmised that a considerable part of the Benares villages income was lavished on the style of the raja or the chief Collector of the revenue of the region. It also supported the debauchery of the amils and at the same time looked after the expenses and rituals of the temples and ‘Maths’ and as Duncan said “the preservation and cultivation of the Laws, literature and Religion of that Nation, at this center of their faith”, and kept alive the profit making bankers, Hoondiwalas and merchants and sustained also the skilled and semi-skilled artisans in the towns.
How was the cultivation and distribution of the crops managed, how unequally in the work and rewards thereof in the village scheme of things. There were the land owners, the peasants and landless labourers living on the land of the land-owner, with life long obligation to perform service for him on priority basis and in that category also came various village artisans and servants. Their existence in the village catered for all the need of the village. The brotherhood of the dominant force of the village was held by the ties of common ancestry like the entire katehar by twelve sons of Baba Pukar Rai and the Dobhi taluqua spread over forty square miles in adjoining Jaunpur in habitated by the descendents of Ganesh Rai a first cousin of Baba Pukar Rai of Katehar bound by common ancestry of Deo Kunwar who settled Deorayee in the year 1380 A.D. Dobhi at that time had a cluster of nearly one hundred villages settled gradually like Katehar by sacking of ‘Soerees’ the original inhabitants, although suzerainty of Raja Banar was accepted to all of them.
As Moreland has also confirmed in his work on Agrarian Systems in those days, “The brotherhoods were held together by the tie of a common ancestry, each individual having a separate possession of the land which he cultivated, but the whole body acting together through its, representatives, in managing the affairs of the village, and paying the revenue…. “Like we had our Lamberdar grand-father who collected all the revenue” and paid it in the Tahsil Sadar.
The Zamindars held land on the basis of viilage ‘Sajara’ (genealogical table of the ancestors) and the share in Khewat was divided as per the individual’s share in a rupee having 192 pies and the same being divided down the line. Like in the first house of Katehar, Sees Chand receiving 96 pies, gave away 18 pies to Laxmi Chand when the second brother Male Chand declined to do away with his own 96 pies, awarded to him when Laxmi Chand was not even born to Madan Chand. Gradually it came down somewhere in equal divisions, but in certain clans or brotherhoods, like the Sengars and Bisens, it was a main share always for the eldest born termed as “Jethansh” or by virtue of being the eldest, somewhat a crude replica of the law of primogeniture. However the Raghuvanshies did not practice it since the time of Lord Ram, who denounced the law of primogeniture.
In fact the eldest in the 1st house of katehar received a smaller share than his next brother. The cultivation was done with the help of the village help who were given land to make their own houses and given 3 to 4 Bighas land free of charge to sustain their families, over and above the daily or seasonal payment for the work done with free food for all the family, who also tried to engage themselves in the Zamindar’s household.The land of Zamindarafter Duncan’s settlement was known as ‘Seer’ or ‘neej-jot’. Sometime if the share of ‘Seer’ was considerable, he had to lease it out to ‘Khudkasht’ or ‘Paikasht’ raiyats. In some ‘Bhaichara’ villages the entire larger family of the common ancestry remained joint sharers and coparcenars and were jointly responsible for the payment of the revenue as was our “Lambardar Baba” in our childhood. Actually the split up was in the children of Sees Chand, Male Chand and Laxmi Chand and the branch holding largest share of ‘Khewat’ was made responsible for payment of the village revenue to the Collector through Tahsil authorities. There were instances when some other brach may have bought ‘Khewat’ shares along with land attached to the share of ‘Khewat’ of some deceased shareholder or even of living cousins, yet the responsibility remained of the largest shareholder in the original division of the ancestors land under the laws of inheritance, as was the case of our own “Lambardar Baba” who was holding 23 and a half pies shares alongwith his brother Shri Ramnath Singh (of Singapore fame) coming in the line of Male chand with 96 pies as his share. The Lambardar’s duty was to collect and allocate the ten percent of the state’s revenue which formed the Zamindari Haq (rights). At the same time they were also the cultivating proprietors and maintained four to six pairs of bullocks for ploughing the to keep it (land) in “Seer Khud-kasht” category and large part of the estate was worked entirely by themselves were but a poor lot of Zamindars holding on to 2292 Bighas for several generations, but very haughty and lordly never the less, and the best of taluqdars of Avadh were ready to join with them in matrimonial alliance, and the ladies added kunwar after their name like Hansa Kunwar who became the cause of litigation between Ganga Pd. Singh and herself as for the use of any residential plot belonging to Sees Chand (in fact the entire survey number 1328 of the Village) required her permission (in absence of Ram Sunder Singh having left the village) to make one’s home or cattle-shed or grains-godown. The majority of such large villages in Katehar or elsewhere in Benares region, the Zamindars were primarily agriculturists, earning their major income through cultivation of their ‘Seer’ lands,and no more source of earning.
There was also a difference in the rate of revenue collection from the member of the brotherhood and the common ‘raiyat’ upto one third’s less and this was also institutionalized for crop appraisal by using ‘Zarib-bhai-wandi’ or measurements only for the members of the brother-hood, which was much larger than that used to measure the fields of common raiyets; known as Shahjahani- Zarib against the common Zarib or chain. There were places where bhai-wandi-bigha was four times larger than the common bigha used in the assessment of raiyatts holdings; and the raiyats and others accepted and submitted to it as a part of ancient custom- which becomes law,by and by over a period of time. So in fact the actual total of the ‘Seer’ land of the brotherhood was in fact always much more than the figures given in the village records or even sanctioned by Duncan and his permanent settlement. These facts often came to light during ‘Survey & Partal’ of the new consolidation or Record operations. This arrangement came about through centuries of Zamindari-brotherhood’s might through match-locks and the cavalry,at the Zamindar’s disposal. The brotherhood, indeed, looked after the common people against any brute forces from outside, against hunger and pestilence, and at the time of marriages of children of raiyatts on their land. They had judicial and police roles also. If an outsider wanted to come and settle in the village for service of the brotherhood, they had the power to lease land to the non-resident raiyatt, who may be related to local raiyatt; and settle the rate of rent and other obligations on the newcomer,accordingly. Although the area of ‘Seer’ land varied as decided by Duncan from taluqa to taluqa, but generally every village had cultivating raiyatt who were subordinate to and directly under the brotherhood. Quite often they also came to live in the village at the time of settlement by the brotherhood, as helping hands, servants or artisans, as was the custom of the old Aryan invaders with horses and cow-herds, needing men to attend to the animals and draw milk to feed them. Such raiyatts were termed ‘Maurusi’ or ‘Chhapparband’ and claimed only right to till, so long as they paid the revenue, often in kind (like milk or ghee). Gradually through long tenure they earned the ‘hereditary’ or ‘Maurusi’ rights, specially after new law called the U.P. Tenancy Act of 1926 and could not be evicted by the Zamindar. Still they could not transfer by sale, or gift, or mortgage and once vacated (prior to new law) could not resume the tenancy rights on that land, which was ‘Khudkasht’ land of the Zamindar.
R.O. Wyane, a magistrate once commented through his long experience in early nineteenth century “The Zamindars in general conduct themselves with moderation toward their under-tenants; but this originate more from fear of punishment, than the love of justice, and Zamindars and raiyats in their common transactions, seldom attend to the principles of good faith. Between them there exists a mutual distrust, and the ruling passion that influence them in all their actions, is a strong self- interest…” But they united against an outsider, if a new proprietor who is not allowed the title of Zamindar, but is called Khureeddar, has bought the estate finds no co-operation from the raiyats who leave that village with their cattle or implements of husbandry. And the Khureedar applies to Collector for remission of cess under section 117-d of U.P. Tenancy Act, other than the Maurusi raiyatts or paikasht raiyatts, there was another class to serve as ploughman. In Benares village their population was one tenth of the total population of a revenue village. All their family members were engaged in assorted and varied household and threshing ground and out of doors agricultural work for the Zamindar, who paid them all and over all the family earned well and were generally happy. In weddings and other special occasions too they expected help from the Zamindar and received bounty full. There was a long line of connexion between the Zamindar and the ploughman and even afterwards they were expected to work for their Zamindar on priority basis, before seeking employment with another member of the brotherhood. Their women worked as village midwives.
“Patwari”’s title is very old and has come to be mentioned since the times of Allaudin Khilji’ administration in the early fourteenth century and was kept as such by Sher Shah and Akbar. British also allowed the same title to the record-keeper of land of the village until the entire community or brotherhood went on a strike and were dismissed by Revenue Minister of Uttar Pradesh and an entirely a new lot was employed and renamed ‘Lekhpals’. The Patwaries were a crafty lot and work from generation to generation and one of the sons was trained by the father. His duties were to record the lands cultivated by each household, the crops taken in each survey numbers and the revenue to be paid by the Cultivator, Zamindar or ‘Asaamee’. He should have known the entire village land, its quality from plot to plot and the crops suited and grown, both in Rabi and Kharif. He gave all the information to the ‘Quanungo’ who acted as the main record-keeper for the Pargana. He was supposed to have worked under the collaboration of the Village- Chief. But in practice, mainly owing to the illiterate nature of the Zamindars and devoid of any cavalry or foot soldiers, after the Britishers came to preside on the destiny of Benares region, Quanungo become very important because any entry made in red-ink by him on the Khataunies records was deemed to be final by the district revenue authorities and to impugned the same the Zamindar had to take recourse of the civil court and travel to city, hire an advocate and wait for years for the judgment. Later on Patwaries and Quanungos had become very crafty and corrupt and made the Zamindars and Cultivators visit the courts of law very frequently, specially after the new law called the U.P. Tenancy Act came in force and every ordinary tenant become a hereditary tenant and vacating a tenant was not easy any more. So the two of them made money through their devious entries in the records and scrounged money from the poor cultivators over the years and prepared to black-mail the Zamindar, if he was a weakling or send obstinate ones to ‘Kutchery’. Sometimes men of straw tied them to rope and ran them behind their horses in the harvested fields of Arhar (a pulse) to the detriment of the naughty man. But they always had the last word and one Patwari at the time of dying asked his son to ram a bamboo behind his back when he was dead and throw him on the river side, and he (son) will prosper there onwards, while Patwaries funeral and fiest will be done in a style by all the Zamindar’s brotherhood as well as by the ‘raiyat’ and so it was. Every one he had rooked was afraid of being named as the possible wrong-doer (of ramming his back side) and the whole village partook in the funeral ceremony and made his son the new Patwari.
The village Bania center-piece of many short –stories of Munshi Prem Chand etc., was a very useful artifact of village life. He would render advances on the standing crops to the Zamindars and help in education and Hostel fees of their children and grand-children. One such one was Binessar sav who would be long remembered as having made the education of the scien of the first family of Katehar, born at the turn of the last century in the house of Sees Chand himself, through the Hewett Kshatriya High School to Allahabad University on to the topper in Civil services Exams. He would be paid off in cash crop of oil-seeds produced in abundance in the riverine belt of rivers Ganges and Gomti’s confluence, by the grand old man of our story. He also had the first pucca house of the village, even before the latest version of Sees Chand Mansion. The presence of the Bania, seth or Savji, called ‘Nagar Seth’ in larger towns was described by J.B. Tavernier” a village must be very small indeed if it has not a ‘money changer’. Binessar Sav was the epitome of a prosperous village Bania. His double storey brick and lime mansion has fallen down through lack of maintenance and dispute amongst his grand children. But for him we wouldn’t be aware enough to record about the Raghuvanshies in Benares and of the first House of Katehar. In films the village Bania is often depicted more a proto-type of Shakespeare’s Shylock or like for instance in “Mother India”, a celebrated film of the fifties –acted by Kanhaiya Lal.
The temple of “Saabha Baba” on the high cliff above the Ganges in but a insignificant little shiva temple having the deities of Sri Ganesh, Mother Goddess and Hanuman, with Nandi being mounted by young innocent children of Raghuvanshi settlers of the village. But the story related by late Rais and most prosperous Zamindar of the district Babu Hardeo Singh alias Babu Chhangur Singh from the family of Naville’s Gazetteer-celebrity Babu Deep Narin Singh alias Babu Bachcha Singh of Kaithi and Katehar, goes on to speak of two brothers come to “Saabha-Baba’s” for justice from the elders of the first house of Katehar about the property dispute between them on the demise of their father. They were asked to be seated and one of them took a ‘modha’ a cane-cushion for his brother and one for himself and sat down in front of the elders of the first family. No one spoke for long time and then one of the brothers pleaded for attention to their problem. Then one of the elders spoke and said that you have solved your problem yourself when you took one ‘modha’ to your brother and one you took yourself. Similarly you make two equal portions of the property and ask the other fellow to take one of his choice.And that will end your dispute.
Such was the way of justice of the Katehar pargana. No one wanted to go to the Benares City’s mulki-Adalat and no one wanted to submit to the amils because they were not expected to pass impartial judgments specially if the case involved oppression of peasants by their own agents.
Jonthan Duncan also noted the indifference of the people in villages towards the Courts remarking: “In this country the inhabitants have been so long habituated to settle all causes by arbitration and to terminate all Disputes to what they call the mutual satisfaction of both parties, that I am persuaded our more decisive, and what they would think abrupt, mode of administering justice and executing decisions so passed merely upon the proofs exhibited, within a certain and fixed time, perhaps, by only one of the parties, would not suit the way of thinking of the majority of the inhabitants of Benares.”
Although Duncan commented in 1789”….. each petty landlord has been in the habit of turning his house into a strong-hold and the animosities that have sprung up among their different families (are) left to spread and Rankle without question or check on the part of Government.”
“The cause of dispute within the brotherhood was very often land. Sometimes a family would obtain more than it’s usual share either by the favour of the headman or by purchase, or by the mortgage of an inferior pattidars share. This would sometimes lead to family rivalry and become a bone of contention between the parties involved. A case of this nature was reported to Duncan in 1788 in which a man was killed by his collateral kin who had turned his adversary; both were sengars and the cause was an old family feud concerning a portion of land”.
Similar incident near home saw the end of the house of Sees Chand on 28th June 1952, but more stealthily by poisoning the last scion of Sees Chand continually living in the house of Sees Chand, who was sent to live in the village from the city perusing Various business occupation, on quick successive demises of the G.O.M. & his son in 1944 and 1952, both by same means of poisoning and to the glee of wrong- doers they had eliminated three continuous generations of Sees Chand in less than eight years and caused vacation of the present day Sees Chand Mansion, (in their heart of hearts for ever), but it so happen that it was merely for twenty years by the grace of God and Markandey Mahadeo and to continue to look-after the temple of “Saabha Baba”.
The British administration was as much concerned with the welfare of cultivation and hence the cultivators, who were the chief protagonist of the livelihood of the rural community as well as the supplier of food to the city of Benares, as the British earned the revenue and sent it home from far off lands. So it was in the best interest of both to make an atmoshere conducive to extension of cultivable land, and keep the demand on revenues to keep the cultivators in a good mood to create an aura of happy times and incentives to bring fallow lands under cultivation, increase the number of cattle and bullocks, employ larger labour force and increase the yield. That was not possible in the times of amils and revenue collectors like Balwant Singh, as their demands were almost always outrageously on the increase and otherwise punitive.
“Duncan reported the extraordinary case of revenue defaulters who was ties head downwards from the saddle of a camel as a punishment, and who died as a result of the kicks which he received when the animal was pushed to full speed”.
However when British took over collection of revenue after the permanent settlement of Duncan, the burden of the cultivator was evenly divided between Rabi and Kharif and the rate was fixed and was not dependant on the mood of the amils or their underlings or on the requirements of the Chief collector of revenues, i.e. Raja Balwant Singh himself. The amils undue exaction was done away with for once and for all and the cultivator and the Zamindars began a life of tranquility, devoid of burdens of maintaining a cavalry and foot soldiers to match with the wits of a crooked and scheming amil wanting to exact an extra ounce of flesh to create some new harem and entertain greater number of drinking bouts and nautch-girls. Even today people of Benares remember fondly their good luck of having the settlement of Jonathan Duncan turned into “Permanent” or “Istamarari” or “Duncani-Bandobast”. The amils found it difficult as newly garbed revenue- officials to survive on ten percent of total revenue and their extortion was always nipped in the bud, and their greed and tyranny came to an end over the years when the British officials did not approve the Mughal phenomena of “abwab” prevalent west of Lucknow and Faizabad- which meant an additional payment as a percentage on basic settlement figures specially for the payment of tribute’s demand of the Nawab or the British in a very haphazard and disorganized way- which the amils seized upon as a great opportunity to extract more money for themselves. However when they spent more on themselves and could not pay the target demanded they scooted and absconded their farms and Zamindaris in relative’s names. But that had a detrimental effect on the cultivator and he would be a great sufferer, unable to afford the ploughs and bullocks and servants, he would leave fallow plots left for grazing of cattle alone, resulting in “disastrous decline in cultivation” as described by Duncan to Governor General in council. He noted the large tracts of land which he had found uncultivated and the many parganas in a state of decay. The continual increase in revenue demand had forced many cultivators to abandon their fields. This state of despair he arrtibuted to the wickedness of ‘amils’ whom he reported as arbitrarily imposing excessive demands upon the ‘raiyatt’. He wrote voluminously with many petitions enclosed relating the excess of the revenue officials which had been presented to him during the course of his tour. These depicted them dealing with defaulters by distraining upon their crops, and cattle or implements and having them beaten by lathis or by torture like described earlier, by the Camel-treatment. Only Brahmins threatening the perpetuator of punishment with self- coercive measures –preparing to immolate their wives and mothers- and “all to the end of invoking supernatural wrath on the ‘amils’ or their agents who would dare touch a Brahmin.
Duncan improvised on what Todar Mal and Sher Shah had applied and made acceptable to cultivators. The Regulations laid down by him standardized the measuring chain which were used for measurement of the plots with a crop standing on it; for the yield to be estimated as by Sher Shah administration and later on by Todar Mal by a test cutting of the crop to the satisfaction of the cultivator and to be fair to him. The payments by share was not fair ever in Akbar’s time as they took away one third of the crop, when all over other parts of Muslim world including Turkey it was only one tenth. But Akbar’s Image of benediction has always taken the historians and the world at large by scruff of the collar.
Ducan also provided the revenue officers to take the revenue from the cultivator either by ‘batai’ or ‘qut’ i.e. actual division of the grain on the threshing field or make an estimation of the produce and accept the share of the administration. Actual division required a prolonged vigil, as the cultivator took away small amounts in the night by stealth, and to stop that a large number of watchmen under the revenue officials were required. On the other hand the officials including “quanungo” assessd the yield and took the administrations’ share. That could be either in cash or kind and a conversion table was prepared for the grain rates into money. The system was as per the old custom of a particular pargana and also the nature of the crop. The price table was drawn twice a year. Later the Bisheshwar ganj grain market started to provide the price table on day to day basis. Ducan’s Regulations stipulated for the plots on the money –rents” as per the 1780 assessment and any additional cess imposed was abolished, while ‘abwabs ‘ levied in 1780 was included in ‘Jama-bandi’ or basic revenue demand and Duncan ensured thet absolute uniformity should be adhered to every cultivator while issuing the ‘Patta’ to him.
The draft was prepared and amils and zamindars took it to the ‘raiyatts’ and in raiyatts villages it was given to the ‘amins’ to take it to them. The aim was the same as of Sher Shah or Todar Mal to inculcate a feeling of belonging amongst the cultivators on whose fruits of labour depended feeling of people and the prosperity of the region as Duncan put it to Mahip Narain Singh as being designed to inspire them with confidence, so as thereby to promote the cultivation itself. Thus the security was brought about for the cultivator by minimizing the play of discretion on the part of the collecting revenue officials. And the blending of various cesses and what Dancan called the subsidiary taxes with the basic land revenue demand, “so as to constitute but one aggregate rate” per bigha was described as being of the highest importance to the peasant, “for it is the opening thus left to the native collectors all over our provinces that enables them to tyrannize over the Ryots, because Government can never know, or enter into numerous devices practiced by the Zamindars and Collectors to extend these articles which they increase, decrease, and alter every year as they think fit”. Three other measures worked to this same end. “The first was the insistence upon the ‘amil’s’ own agreement by which they bound themselves not to collect any larger sum than was authorized by the regulations”. Secondly certain reforms were carried out in the office of the quanungos, which made them independent of the amil’s authority. In particular they were no longer to receive their allowances from the amils but direct from the treasury. They were to maintain the village accounts, aided by the patwaries whose numbers were restored to their full complement, and record the collections made by the amils. Thus they were placed as constitutional checks over the revenue collectors” Thirdly, a court of revenue matters consisting of two Indians-one nominated by the Resident and the other by the Raja were constituted at Benares to settle such disputes as might arise between the Zamindars, peasants and the amils”.The above pattas that were granted to raiyyati were declared “dastur-al-amal” or the law of the land for the region at large. Accordingly, the Zamindars or coparcenary brotherhoods, recognized as land-owners by Duncan in the land-settlement of 1789-90. They were required to issue ‘pattas’ in the prescribed form to the cultivators. In villages that were not settled to zamindars, the cultivators were required to obtain leases from their superior title-holders, or the farmers of new origin. In practice this work was deputed to ‘amils’ as expeditious measures. The raiyyati patta was different from the pattas of the land-owners. It showed the amount of revenue payable by the cultivator and as to how it was to be paid, as per the nature of the crop. But status of the cultivator in the village hierarchy were to be duly considered by the revenue officials, amils and zamindars. If the cultivator was keen on paying at a uniform rate for all types of land, he was allowed to do so. The revenue rate for such tenure, known in Benares as ‘Matri’, was assessed per bigha, three rupees. Cash crops, sugar cane, vegetables, opium and cotton amounted to bigger rates from 2 to seven rupees a bigha. For staple food –wheat barley, grams like in kaithi it was only ten annas per bigha and for inferior land with dry land farming it was as low as three paise. Although lower caste cultivators like the Kurmies paid from fifty six to sixty seven per cent, more. The more industrious and more labourious the more to pay. They also chose the best quality of land near the upper caste settlements with hope of getting water from their wells or ‘rahat’. The land directly under the zamindar was the lowest never more than three annas.
In fact it seems Duncan was concerned, for some reason (of creating a body of body of influential lot) as is shown by his regulations of June 1788, to create a line of discrimination between the positions of land-lords and peasants on a permanent basis. Even the clause about issuing pattas to individual cultivators was concerned it was dropped in five months time and the commission of amins was disbanded. In fact some villagers considered it a matter of degradation to accept the raiyyati patta as against their regular way of paying the revenue either by way of ‘agori-batai’ that is actual division of the crop on the threshing floor”. In like manner some villagers of pargana Mohammad abad in the district of Ghazipur, who claimed to be land- owners but had remained excluded from the settlement in 1789-90, declined to accept pattas from the farmers for the ground which they cultivated alleging that they would thereby suffer degradation. “so the exercise of the amins came to an end for similar problems in issuing pattas agreeable to both the proprietor and the cultivator. The Bengal Government, however, enacted a special regulation No.51 of 1795 defining the relative positions of raiyyats and ‘Malguzara’ under the permanent settlement. The tenth section of this regulation- ‘the great magna carta’-of Benares cultivators provided for the perpetual occupancy of the ‘khudkasht’ or chhapparband raiyyats subject to their payment of the ‘stipulated rent.’
The position of ‘paikasht’ raiyyate was remaining contractual, and only extension of their lease was on mutual consent. In case of dispute between the proprietor and raiyyant regarding rates of rent either party was entitled to go to the civil court of the area and seek justice. “The court was to take into consideration the local rates, Custome and the caste of the cultivator.” The position of the resident cultivator was made secure. They could not be vacated at will by the zaminder and they were called ‘occupancy- tenants’ which later became hereditary tenants under the new Act of the Govt. of United Provinces in 1926,called the U.P.Tenancy Act.
S.P.Singh Esq.
As for the city life in Benares, Jaunpur and Mirzapur and the society between 1750 and 1950, there is a fine depiction in a small novelette called ‘Bahati Ganga’ by shiv prasad Mishra ‘Rudra’. People were hand to mouth but were happy and contented. Society was in great turmoil, and the administrators of the John company had added ‘Barkandaz’ to the police-force to deal with great masters of gambling –dens and their mesmerized troops of following and hangers on like of Shivanath and Bahadur Singh-
Shivnath Bahadur Singh
Veer ka khub bana joda
Sammukh ho kar lade
Nikal kar munh nahi moda.
And the folk-lore goes on,
Do company panch sau
Chadh kar chaprasi aaya
Gali-gali aur kunche –
Kunche naka bandhwaya,
Mirza panchu ne kasam
Khay ke Kuran uthaya---.
And the official announcements were like –
“Khalk khuda ka,Muluk Badshah ka,Hukm Company Bahadur ka-----“.
So it was an accepted fact that the John Company was de- facto rulers. And unruly though popular figures like “Bhangad Bhikshu” and Talwaria Dataram Nagar were eliminated who were personification of the hatred for Warren Hastings after sacking of Chet Singh in 1772.
-------------------
This is written by
Suresh Pratap Singh of Kaithi
Residing at R.M. House, N16/132-B, Vinayaka,
Kamachha , Varanasi. PIN : 221010,
PHONE : 0542-2361159
CELL : 91- 9935398306
Presently residing at:E4-6/23,Spaghetti,Sector-15,Kharghar,Navi
Mumbai-410210,Ph.:022-27745804,Email:singhsp@yahoo.com.
BOOK-III
“Plebeians who would be Kings –
Reghuvanshies, why in Benares.”
-- S.P. Singh
24.7.06
Mumbai.
“Plebeians who would be Kings”
History and myth of Raghuvanshies
- “Counting backwards from 1952
- to seven millennium B.C.”
- with a translation of Raghuvansha – Mahakavya.
2. Raghuvanshies in Benares
1207 A.D. onwards.
Plebeians who would be Kings.
3. Raghuvanshies in Ayodhya – from the beginning to the end – was it Ikshwaku to Sumitra? And was Nain Deo only a pretender to the throne” was he an imposter – posing as the last Raghuvanshi King of Ayodhya?
MAGNUM OPUS ON THE SURVIVAL OF
THE SUN – DYNASTY OF AYODHYA
FROM SEVEN MILLENNIUM B.C. TO 28.06.1952
Around the end of the twelfth century A.D., it became abundantly clear that living in Ayodhya wouldn’t be of any use for the descendants of Raghu – the first world conqueror – as per the great poet of Sanskrit, Kalidas, and of Sri Ram Chgandra, destroyer of the great demon of Shri Lanka-Ravana, to continue their existence there, and their great benefactor came in the form of the villainous Jai Chandra, the perpetuator of the Muslim on-slaught on his nephew and abductor of his daughter Sanyukta, the mighty warrioer Prithviraj Chauhan. Come to think of it, there could be no one in a better position to comprehend the outcome and future of the Indian Sub-Continent after his nexus with Muhammad Ghori, and as he was the ruler of all three Kannauj, Kashi and Ayodhya, he arranged for the displacement of the last Raghuvanshy king Nain Deo from Ayodhya to Varanasi in the thick jungle of pargana katehar, sixteen miles away from the township, where the sway of the invading Afgans and Mughals was eminent any time. Suitably he arranged for the betrothal of his grand-niece with Nain Deo. A bard had accompanied Nain Deo from Ayodhaya to Varanasi and his descendant Banshi Kavi recorded the births and deaths of the descendent of his erstwhile king in the form of a booklet which has recorded till Sees Chand the descendant of the king, five hundred years ago. And it was a pure chance that a genealogical table prepared in 1840 or so has been returned by the man who took it way by the force of habit and found it of no use written in “Baithauwa Urdu” undecipherable even by the Urdu-reading gentry on its final translation and recognizing the name of great – grand father’s father, it could be established that indeed it was the House of Sees Chand where we were born, and that it was also the 1st House of Katehar. Then by the process of reverse progression, beginning with last first born at the turn of the last century, it was possible to ascertain the years of the Raghuvanshy settlement in Kaithi and the year of the construction of the present day ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ lived in now for nearly twenty one generations without a break, which could have come once when the head of the 1st House entered in the plot to capture warren Hastings in Varanashi, headed by Raja Chait Singh with assembled force of local Zamindars of 34000 strong, next when Jaipal Singh joined the force of Kunwar Singh of Arrah and attacked the John Company (E.I.C) at Azamgarh, and thirdly on, poisoning of three successive generations in eight years time, culminating on 28.06.1952. But yet the ‘See Chand Mansion’ survived. However, it seems it is true now to relegate it to past and history as it’s successor and memorial to the man who settled Kaithi ‘Rai Chan Singh Judeo’ in 1485 and a reminder of it in the new millennium is ready to hosue the tablet of the geneology of the ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ which ought to be restored for posterity and handed over to the Archaelogical Survey of India and UNESCO’s Heritage Preservation.
S. P. Singh
Going backwards in order to establish – 1st House of Katehar’s age as per lodging in ‘Sees Chand Mansion
Starting from official age certificate of
Rai Saheb Ram Rup Singh
(with slight approximations for convenience sake)
First borne of Sees Chand Mansion
When 25 years old
1.
Ram Rup Singh
1925 AD
2.
Raj Kumar Singh
1900 AD
3.
Bharat Singh
19865 AD
4.
Ram Sunder Singh
1835AD
5.
Jaipal Singh
1810 AD
6.
Shiv Ratan Singh
1785 AD
7.
Chet Singh alis Janak Rai
1760 AD
8.
Udit Singh
1735 AD
9.
Ragho Rai
1710 AD
10.
Nanhu Rai
1685 AD
11.
Narsingh Bhan
1660 AD
12.
Shri Krishun
1635 AD
13.
Baddu Rai
1610 AD
14.
Tulsi Rai
1585 AD
15.
Iss Chand
1560 AD
16.
Sees Chand
1535 AD
17.
Madan Chand
1510 AD
18.
Rai Chan Singh Judeo
And then beyond, to establish veracity of the years recorded, by our Bard Banshi Kavi, for Deokunwar coming to deorayee in 1380 (?) and Pukar Rai establishing hegemony of the 1st House of Katehar at
Niyar-deeh in 1435 (?)
1485 AD
When 25 in AD
19.
Rai Khemraj Singh
1460 AD
20.
Baba Pukar Rai
1435 AD
21.
Birhaz Rai
1410 AD
22.
Deo Kunwar (Came to Deorayee)
1380 AD
If we take Pukar Rai in Niyar (1435) Samvat, then 435-57=1378 AD as per Banshi Kavi – then
Pukar Rai When 25Yrs. Old per
1378 AD
Rai Khemraj singh
1403 AD
Rai Chan Singh
1429 AD
Madan Chand
1453 AD
Sees Chand
1478 AD
Iss Chand
1503 AD
Tulsi Rai
1528 AD
Baddu Rai
1553 AD
Sri Kishun
1578 AD
Narsinh Bhan
1603 AD
Nanhu Rai
1628 AD
Ragho Rai
1653 AD
Udil Singh
1678 AD
Janak Rai alias Chet Singh
1703 AD
Shiv Ratan Singh
1728 AD
Jaipal Singh alias Purushottam Singh
1753 AD
Ram Sunder Singh
1778 AD
Bharat Singh
1803 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1828 AD
Raj Kumar Singh
1853 AD
Ram Rup Singh
AD
Which is absolutely absurd. So Banshi Kavi has erred and put ‘Samvat’ in place of Anno domino.
INDEX
Sr. No.
Title
Remark
Age
119
Nain Deo Migrated to Varanasi from Brijsinhpur
1207 AD
1182 AD
118
Veeram Deo
1157 AD
117
Dharmdeo
1132 AD
116
Chandandeo
1107 AD
115
Kuntaldeo
1082 AD
114
Jang Rao
1057 AD
113
Rann Rao
1032 AD
112
Maha Rao
1007 AD
111
Prachand Rao
982 AD
110
Mani Rao
957 AD
109
Dhani Rao
932 AD
108
Kari Rao
907 AD
107
Hari Dutt
882 AD
106
Deo Datt
857 AD
105
Ramjan
832 AD
104
Ram Renu
807 AD
103
Shubhmani
782 AD
102
Veer Sen
757 AD
101
Brihadbal (Couldn’t be who fought
(in Mahabharat war)
732 AD
100
Sutra
707 AD
99
Moor
682 AD
98
Puhuprao
657 AD
97
Agnivan
632 AD
96
Sudershan
607 AD
95
Purorva “End of Dwapar”
582 AD
94
Dushansh prior to Mahabharat
The earliest and best known kings of kosala were the Ikshavakus or the “Suryavanshies’ who founded Ayodhya in the earliest history of the settlement of the sub-continent by a different , other than the original inhabitants, coming form north, with their Vedic rituals -often described by the Western historians as nothing but “mere pratlings of primitive Aryans”. Of the ten Aryan republics; Ayodhya was the Chief City of ‘North Kosala’ described by Pargiter and other historians.
The Ikshavaku dynasty produced a succession of sovereigns who maintenaned the glory of the family and many of whom occupied the highest position among the Kings of ancient India of the 125 Kings of this line, 94 ruled prior to the end of Mahabharat war and the rest after it, the main like ending in about 4th century B.C. according to some historians, that is the end of their sovereign status.
Kosala’s positions under Magadh:
In the 4th century B.C. the Nanda Kings came to power as the sovereigns of North India, and quite naturally all would assume that even Ayodhya came under the sway and fell to them as an integral part of the empire. There are mentions of Nanda King campign in Ayodhya in ‘Katha Sarit Sagar’. In the later part of the same century the Mauryas superceded the Nandas. And in Circa 184 B.C Pushyamitra captured the throne through teachery and started the Sunga dynasty ending in 75 B.C. In all cases all were Hindus and God-fearing and with respect for the dynasty featuring the incarnate of Vishnu who could not attract any subservience or overthrow of such lineage either ruling or on the head of the Kosala-raj administration, by lesser mortals from far off Patlilputra.
However, the invaders from Greece may have attacked and over-run Saket or Ayodhya, like they did to Panchal and Mathura to reach Patliputra, althought that is only surmised or alluded to by some historians, wanting to do so in their eagerness to put an end to an illustrious lineage of the sub-continent. Even then Patanjali (the grammarian) or any one has not implied as to whether he knew of any slaying of the Ayodhya’s Raghuvanshi king or the lineage itself, or had heard of any such occurance during the running over of Saket or Ayodhya by the Greeks on their way to overtake and attack their main target, Patliputra. An insignificant principality of historical repute (In Indian context) could not absorb them seriously to totally destroy a famous and prosperous city and its ruler. However, historians are often in tearing hurry to see an end to the dynasty, and are found quoting Yugapuran from Gargi Samhita to corroborate their allusion. The Greek invader may have been Demetrius or Meander; on which the opinion of the Historians are again divided, which may make even the Greek invasion of Ayodhya itself mythical.
Sungas sovereignty on Kosala:
Historian have often come to conclusion that by merely having sovereignty of a region makes one an inhabitant of a famous city like Ayodhya; like in the case of Sunga dynasty. Based on inscription found in a field of Ayodhya, calling Senapati Pushyamitra as Lord of Kosala, and a Brahmanical order as the ruler of the city of Ayodya, where once Raja Ramchandra presided on the Raghuvanshi throne. It is further only a presumption that the two Pushyamitras are the same, who may have built a house for his father. So, obviously the General did not reside in Ayodhya, and may have built a house for his father who may have wished to stay in the holy city, prior to his death, preparing for a heavenly abode, thus. And the historians do some overtime and credit the status of a residing or resident monarch on the sung dynasty. As for coins found in the name of Muladevas and Vayudevas does not mean that the Sung dynasty ruled in Ayodhya and had established a mint of their domain in Ayodhya. The statement “The evidence of this type of coin shows hat a dynasty ruled in Ayodhya about the second and first century B.C” and that “the Kosala branch of Sungs…. must have enjoyed a position little short of independence. The same historians hasten to add “The Sunga line of Ayodhya had certainly become extinct with the advent of the ‘Kushanas’ into whose hands Kosala passed in the 1st Century A.D. and who ruled over it for a century or so. “If it was not so the Sungas could have carried on. On the contrary if the historians were to surmise that the sovereignty of Ayodhya passed in the hands of Sungas when they ruled at Patliputra. Even if we agree that a branch of Sungas were actual resident rulers of Ayodhya, there was no cause to annihilate the Ikshavaku’s descendants, as temporal head of Ayodhya or Saket, or as ordinary if exalted citizen of the city, which was ruled for 125 or so generations of their fore-fathers and until recent times – when threat to their life and limbs, to their dignity and esteem and to their honour and modesty was visible, only due to their pre-eminent position in the city of Ayodhya, they decided to vacate the city of their fore-furthers which happened during the rule and sovereignty of Gahadwal or Gaharwar Kings, who were well related to them, and found a hermitage in Kashi also ruled by Gahadwals, much later than of the times of Sungas and Kushanas, the Mauryas and Nandas, Guptas and ‘Maukharis’ and the Gujara Pratiharas.
Tibetan and Chinese writings contain the traditions of Kanishka’s conflict with the Kings of Saket and Patliputra and they beign subdued by him. This Victory brought to Kanishka in contract with ‘Asvagosh’ author of ‘Buddhacharita’, residing in Ayodhya. Asvagosh was one of the earliest converts to Buddhism, from being a learned Brahmin, a poet and theologian.
Kushanans sovereignty may have lasted till the advent of Guptas.
The Guptas and Ayodhya :
who was not read Kailidas “Raghuvansa Mahakavya”, mainly of the world conquest of “Raghu” son of Dalip, and lucid description of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya (379-413 A.D) coming to Ayodhya and being full of sorrow on seeing the desolate and depleted city of Ayhodhya and he being a supreme Vaishnav, setting about in the task of restoration of the once beautiful city, where Bhagwan Rama resided at one time. Earlier Chandra Gupta I created the Kingdom which extended to Saket (Ayodhya) and Prayag; and even the great conqueror SamudraGupta may have held a camp of victory(Jayaskandhavara)in Ayodhya, including the great City under his domain. And his son was King Vikramadity of Ujjain, in whose court of the great poet Kalidas resided and described the restoration of Ayodhya in minutest detail. The also shows no body had lived or ruled in Raghuvanshies Ayodhya, all these years and the Raghuvanshi king from Kushavati was brought back to newly restored and resplendent Ayodhya; by none other than Vikramaditya of Ujjain. Some how, Ayodhya, rather than Patliputra became the premier city in the 5th century A.D. during the days of Gupta rulers.
The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien traveled in India for ten years (c. 400-411 A.D.) during the reign of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya and visited the city of Sha-Chi, where he found that the Brahmins and Buddhist were not on best of terms. He noted a stupa where the four Buddhas had sat and also the ‘Neem’ tree that had sprouted form the tooth brush stick thrown away by the Buddha. ‘Sha-Chi’ is often identified with Sageda of Ptolemy and our Saket or Ayodhya.
Ayodhya may have been the seat of power even after Skandgupta and later rulers of dynasty till the rise of Maukharis in the 6th century A.D.
Rise of Maukharis & Shift to Kannauj:
After the Gupta’s decline, Ayodhya again became desolate. The new dynasty of Maukharis with their capital at Kannauj, Kannauj assumed importance in the new political map of north-India; including their sovereignty over Ayodhya. Maukhari coins are often found in district Faizabad; and Rivett Carnac had found such coins in Ayodhya itself confirming Maukhari’s rule in Ayodhya from historian’s point of view. But a lot of these coins have been associated with ‘Siladitya-Pratapasila’ whom Sir Richard Barn identifies with Harsh Vardhan (606-647) AD, in whose hands the dominion of Maukharis had passed, which would prove the historians that Ayodhya was also under the rule of Harsh Vardhan.
During Harsh’s reign the famous Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang (630-644 AD) passed through Avadh, traveling form Kannauj and Crossing the Ganges, he reached the O-Yu-to country. The capital, about a mile to the South of the river, that has generally been identified with Ayodhya. According to the Chinese traveler the region yielded good crops and a genial climate and plentiful in fruits and flowers. Citizens had agreeable nature. There were about 100 Buddhist monastries, but only about ten templs of Hindus at that time, but he doesn’t speak of the Government.
Soon after the death of Harshvardhan, the empire went into disray and anarchy prevailed, till the time grate Yashovarmana of Kannauj appeared to take command after tour of victory described in ‘Gaudavaho’ by the court poet ‘Vakpatiraja’ entering Ayodhya, describing it as the city of Harischandra where people simply submitted to him, calling them people living in ‘Mandara Mountains’. So in the 8th century too, Ayodhya wielded a prominence for new Kings and conquerors and it was necessary to include it in their empire. Although it does not say that the Raghuvansies were not at the head of the temporal and local governments the they could not have been killed as all conquerors till now were Hindus and as they did not show force of power, no Hindu Conqueror would slay a descendants of Ram, Raghu and Harishchandra. The city was certainly deserted as the Chinese travelers and great poets like Kalidas and Vakpatiraju describe the city in “Raghuvansha-Mahakavya” and “Gaudavaho”. However, the scions of the grate lineage had been definitely reduced to merely nothingness for historians and bards to take any notice of. But surly on close scrutiny by further scholars, there would be a foot-note in literature or history re-affirming the continued existence of the Raghuvanshies in Ayodhya and we cannot simply discard the genealogical table, howsoever empirical as hog-wash, as Banshi Kavi had not stones to grind, of his own or of his benefactors, the descendants of Raja Nain Deo, who was accompanied by poet/bard Hathiram Kavi – the ancestor of Banshi Kavi, although number of generations does not match that of his benefactor’s.
History doesn’t record much about the immediate successors of Yashovarman. In the beginning of the 9th Century A.D. the Gurjar Pratihara Kings starting from Nagabhatta II to Mahipala (912-944 AD), ruled Ayodhya from Kannauj till the time their days of decline began and different parts of their empire began to fall away. The greatest height of their reign came during the period ruled by Mihir Bhoj (836-885 AD). The whole of Avadh was under his rule and records of his successor Mahendrapala I (885-908 AD) have been found in Ayodhya. They may have had twin cities of Ayodhya and Kannauj as their seat of power, owning to their strategic and regional importance of controlling the empire. By this time, Avadh was fragmented and was ruled by small chief tens with some military power at their disposal. One Trilokchandra head of the Srivastava clan crossed the Sarayu and occupied ayodhya in 918 AD, till the time of advent of power of Gahadavalas of Kannauj. Chandradeva (1085-1110 AD) established the dynasty at Kannauj and extended it to Kashi and included Ayodhya and other holy places Kushika, Uttar Kosala and Indrasthana, which he protected with valour and zeal of a great Hindu King.
The beginning if Muslim Invasions:
Perhaps the first Muslim invasion took place in 1032 AD in the form of a legendary hero Saiyyad Salar Mqsud Ghazi, popularly known as Ghazi Milan. Abdur Rahman Chisti (died 1683 AD) describes Gazi Mian as having occupied Avadh (not Ayodhya) some time before 1030AD. Also the folklore and recorded accounts show that before Ghazi Mian could enter Ayodhya and slay the Raghuvanshi King, Raja Suheldeo of Bhars tackled him in Suhelwa forest in Bahraich and put an end to his religious crusades in the name of Allah. People gather at the tomb of Ghazi Mia and celebrate the common bond of integration of Hindu-Muslim unity in the present days. But surely then time had come for the Raghuvanshies to vacate Ayodhya, now that the invaders were no more Hindu Kings, who would spare them their lives, dignity and honour. And in my opinion this was the time when the last Raghuvanshi King donated the symbolic Kingdom of Avadh to Brahmins and moved away in a hiding to Brijsinhapur across Saryu river, or hid themselves somewhere in Ayodhya itself; if they were spared the terror of the freak warrior saint Ghazi Mian, by the valour and loyalty of Bhar’s Chieften Raja Suheldeo, by slaying Ghazi Mian in Suhelwa forest, before Ghazi Mian could reach Ayodhya and kill the Symbolic Hindu King of historical importance in order to eliminate all impediments to spread of Islam.
If the Raghuvanshi King did dare to stay on in the periods ruled by Chandradeva of Gahadwals, by 1194 AD Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam (Commonly known as Shihad-ud-din Ghori) defeated Jayachandra and killed him is the battle of Chandawar (near Itawa) and automatically became the over lord of Avadh and Ayodhya both and a lieutenant of his may have been posted at Ayodhya, immediately or after a lapse of few years, in which Ghori settled down and began to rule the northern part of the sub-continent. And if Banshi Kavi is right about king Nain Deo donating Ayodharaj to his pariest to leving for Benares and wrong about Samvat 1207 (it should be 1207 AD), it tallies to the known historical details generally recorded by eminent historians on the path shown by their peers and past eminent historians. There is a discrepancy of thirteen years from the time of defeat of Jay Chandra to the sacking of the last Raghuvanshi King from Ayodhya which could be due to vacillation on the part of King Nain Deo about the pros and cons of leaving Ayodhya or perish in the country of their fore-fathers. At this juncture, there was a great factor of the influence of the Gahadvals, and who else but the famed adversary of Prithviraj Chauhan, the ruler of Kannauj, Jayachandra. To my mind comes the arrangement of marriage of a Gahadwal princes (perhaps the legendry Bindumati) daughter of equally legendry King Banar, who had come back from Kantit and had re-established himself at Rajghat on the banks of Ganges, where the last Raghuvanshi King was won-over by the charms of the Gahadwala princess, or perhaps who was already a suitor-in-waiting, for her as desired and designed by the ruler of Kashi-Kannauj and Ayodhya, Jaychandra. Resigned to the sense of futility of staying-on in Ayodhya for the Raghuvanshi King as the Muslim invasion and rule became imminent ever since Ghzi Mian wanted to eliminate five principal Hindu Kings held in the highest esteem by the followers of Hinduism, in order to show the flimsyness of their religion and the rulers. So long various Hindu Kings demanded submission of Ayodhya to their invading and marching armies and received the same from the temporal Raghuvanshi Kings, no harms came to the life, limbs, dignity and honour of the great solar dynasty and also to the present representative of the same dynasty. But now once the Muslim rulers came about the symbolic Raghuvanshi king would not be left alive or as temporal head of a by gone dynasty,meaning so much to the Hindus. They could not be sacrificed to the imminent invaders and rulers and had to be saved, somehow, by making them move to safer haunts, where they would survive in oblivion, in the thick forest of Katehar and Dobhi, still under the domain of Gahadvals descendants and de-facto ruler in Rajghat, where a colleague of Ghazi Mian was slain, and Raja Banar had returned from his hiding in Kantit (Mirzapur) and re-established the legendry remnants of the Gahadwal’s empire of Kashi-Kannauj and Ayodhya, and surely he was not the one slain by Ghazi Mian in 1032 AD, as we are made to confuse by the historians recording the religious fervors of Ghazi Mian.
Need of convincing proof of Solar race’s genuineness needed by present day historians:
When I had shown my genealogical table to the Director Monuments of the ASI, New Delhi, in early eighties, he calculated with 19 ½ year for each generation and it tallied with the years based on the results of the excavations in Ayodhya and Mr. Sunderaraja was very excited about papers at my disposal and later on wrote to me to send them to him in the ASI. He also spoke of a book at Shimla’s College of Advanced Studies, which says that Ram son of Dasharath in Ayodhya was in fact Ram IV son of Dashrth IV and book (which I have not yet found) goes onto detail about Ram II to have lived and ruled in Afghanistan, in the process of migration down South to India. The same book also mentions of a rock edict narrating the victory of Dashrath on the ‘Asuras’ and proclamation of peace, thereafter, found in Syria. That was all based on the theory that the Aryans came from the Syria.Tilak and Sri Arvindo wrote in their treatise on ‘Rigveda’ that Aryans came from the Tundras. But new excavations in the Gangetic Valley is proving things otherwise. A recent meet in the B.H.U. on “studies on the Ganges Civilization, Shifting paradigms”, goes on to prove with the help of results of recent excavations in Lahuradeo, Tokwa and Imlideeh etc. have given ample proof that people lived and practiced cultivation in the Central Gangetic plain, some ten thousand years ago. Earliest cultivators of land had established themselves seven thousand years before Christ. This was brought-out by Sri. R. S. Bisht former Joint Director of ASI who I had gone to see in Patna,in early eighties, regarding the historicity of ‘Sees Chand Mansion’ and he had sent a ASI team to my village in my absence and because of that the investigations in the process were, unfortunatley nipped in the bud, then. He said that the B.H.U., the Allahabad University and the Archaeological Survey of Uttar Pradesh Government, have undertake excavation work in many places and agriculture and animal husbandry was estimated, based on proofs in Laburadev, to be of good and advanced order. The findings of potteries and proofs located in ‘Lahurdev’ and ‘Imlideeh’ are similar to those found in ‘Silkhadi’ from Mehargarh; based on the age of the trees and signs of hutment dwellings and many more things and their analysis and classification, along with Carbon-dating and other ultra-modern and scientific techniques of archaeology. So now we can safely assume that the history of the Gangetic civilization is ten to twelve thousand years old. F.E. Pargiter and Sitanath Pradhan and other historians drew-out. A list of 108 generations of the Solar dynasty of the ‘Ikshawaku’ kings of Ayodhya. In 1980, A.N. Chandra, basing his calculations on Puranic tables declared that “Vaivasvat Manu” established Ayodhya’s Kingdom around seventh millennium before Christ. The Mehergarh civilization excavated near Bolan-pass in Pakistan is also being dated and classified as of seventh millennium B.C. and Aryan in origin. In fact the excavations have shown traces, potteries and various other proofs of the existence of Aryan Civilization as far back as the ninth millennium before Christ. In 1987 Professor Collin Renfreen published his book “Archaeology and Language” denouncing the ill-gotten notion on archaeology, held till date and propagated by wheeler etc. that invading Aryans decimated the Harappan and Mohenjodaro civilizations in the Indus Valley. It is proved by the author that the Aryan and Indus Valley civilizations are of the same origin including the language. Dr. Ram Vilas Sharma has also illustrated through his books on west Asia and ‘Rig-veda’ that Rig Vedic Aryans were originated in this country and did not come from outside, like Syria etc. in fact, the Indian Aryans visited Greece and other European countries and advertised the Aryan Culture and put the foundation of the Indo-European linguistic family in Europe. In fact the Aryans lived and mediated in Garhwal and my own uncle has ordered the Quanungos and Patwaris of the settlement department of U.P. Govt, to collect all folklore, folk songs and folk-tales of the districts of Garhwal division’s villages, during the settlement of the 1950’s and often related to us about the villages where Vishnu or Indra were born. He could never compile the records collected by his subordinates as having no stenographer at his disposal and being to lethargic to sit-down and write on his own after retirement. The papers passed on to my sister-in-law and may still be in her possession at Biru-nagla Farm, Kichha of Distt. Nainitul, where some one should go and complete the work which will further. Authenticate the works like that of Dr. Sharma.
Ayodhya was the prime republic in Pargiter’s list of ten republics of the Aryans and was controlled by Indra from his seat of power in Garhwal of Himalayas. He wouldn’t let Raghu finish his hundredth ‘Ashwamedh Yagna’ for his father Dalip, in order to maintain his primacy. But, surely he wouldn’t kill the most illustrious prince, as he was one of his own. All he wanted was supremacy over all Aryan sovereigns on the sub-continent.
Ayodhya is indeed the oldest human achievement on a grand scale resulting in establishment of an empire and representing a unique and proud civilized society. As was shown earlier all might rulers wanted its possession after the fall from grace of the rulers of the Solar dynasty and was nearly finished with it. The historians of today want convincing proof of the genuineness of the origin of a clan of solar descent which is partially and slowly being provided by the excavations.
Men of Prof. B.B. Lal’s repute have done praiseworthy work by excavating sites of ‘Ramayan’ and Mahabharat’ but only to start a controversy in the age of Dwapar and ‘Treta’ and thereby denying the Vedic age history of the sub-continents; and hurting the root of the Hindu sentiment. Even as Mr. Soundarajan, erstwhile director, monuments pointed out to me that 120+25=145 odd generations multiplied by 191/2 years for each generationh, i.e. about 3000 years is correct in the sense that uptill then (1980) what was unearthed in Ayodhya was of the age of 1000 years before Christ. That amounts to Six Millenniums short of the time calculated by Sri A.N. Chandra in 1980 as to when Vaivasvat Manu put the foundation of Ayodhya.
The Russian Scholars Views:
Some Russian studies in the seventies have come out with a cycle of twelve thousand year before the holocast or the ‘Pralaya’, allotting one thousand years for ‘Satyug & two thousand for ‘Dwapar’ (or treat as per the exchange of the two Yugas) three thousand years for ‘treta’ (or new exchanged ‘Dwapar’) and four thousand years for ‘Kalyoug’ plus 500 years for transformation period between two ‘Yugas’ and one thousand years between Dwapar and ‘Kalyug’. The last cycle at its end had the biblical ‘Noah’s Arc’ placed on the highest point on earth (between Turkey and Russia) saving a pair of each specie for the new cycle of twelve thousand years. So in a way, twelve thousand years of the Gangetic plain’s civilization are coming to an end and the current cycle is about to conclude on that premise, the Puranic Ram and Raghu were definitely not the primitive Aryan Cultivators in the seventh or sixth millennium before Christ. There may have been another set of Ram and Raghu in an earlier 12000 years cycle whose names were again adopted by Ram II, son of Dashrath of modern Ayodhya, or else for 9000 years since Vaivasvat Manu established Ayodhya, we will have to account for 450 odd generations of the Raghuvanshies in Dobhi and Katehar, instead of just 145 generations. There is a great conflict. Indeed between the Puranic tales of Ikschwaku Kings and those on the basis of our bard’s and even the excavations of Ayodhya. That requires deeper study of A.N. Chandra and others.
Ayodhya in Vedas;
In the ‘Atharveda’ Ayodhya has been described as having been built by the Gods and being as prosperous as the paradis itself. The Satapatha Brahman speaks of Kosla as one of the countries of the Vedic Aryans and grammarian Panini mentioned it in his sutras. It’s vivid description is to be found in Valmiki’s ‘Ramayan’ and in ‘Mahabharata’ gives it the epithet of ‘Punyalakshana’. The ‘Ikshvakus’ of the ‘Suryavasa’ were the Kings of the Kosala of which Ayodhya was the capital.
According to the Jain tradition, twenty-three out of the twenty-four Tirthankaras were of this line, of whom five were born in Ayodhya including ‘Adinatha’ (or Rishabhdeva) who was the first. The Ikshvaku dynasty produced a succession of sovereigns who maintained the glory of the family and many of them occupied the highest position amongst the kings of ancient India. The recorded rulers of this dynasty various between 108 and 125, of which 94 were supposed to have ruled prior to Mahabharat war and the rest after it. The sovereignty of the Kingdom seen to have been lost to the dynasty as per some historians and poets around 4th century B.C., or the main line may have perished at that time of history. Ikshavaku the eldest son of Vaivasvata Manu received the City of Ayodhya from his father and started the long dynasty. He had a hundred sons – Vikukshi or Shashanka had to attack the forces of Ayodhya to become its king, as he was asked to leave Ayodhya by Sage Bashishtha for having eaten all hare during collection of meat from the jungle for ‘Yagna’. But he proved a worthy king and ruled in accordance with law and custom. Ninth son of Ikshavaku Nimi established ‘Videh’ later Known as ‘Janakpur’ on Nepal boarder, from where hailed ‘Sita’. The consort of ‘Ramchandra’. Sakuni at the head of fifty sons of Ikshavaku became the keeper and protector of Northern India and the remaining forty seven established themselves as rulers over Southern India.
The earth is called ‘Prithvi’ from ‘Prithu’, the fifth in line, who leveled the plains for agriculture. His great grandson Sravasta built the latest time capital of Uttar Kosala, Sravisti. Then seventeenth in line come the great ‘Mandhata’ who ruled the entire world and like for Queen Victoria, the sun never set on his vast empire around the globe, though because of the literature of Mahakavi, Kalidas may credit ‘Raghu’ as the first world conqueror.
Purakusta son of Mandhata defeated the Gandharavas and married a ‘Naga’ princess and his grandson Anaranya was killed in a battle fought at what is now known as Raunahi, about 15 miles from Ayodhya. The 31st King Harishchandra, is well known as lover of truth and slaved for the ‘Domraja’ on the burning ghats of Kashi and demanded dues from his queen, come to cremate his own son Rohitashva, doing it as a servant of the ‘Domraja’. He was a mighty ruler and also performed the ‘Rajasuya’ sacrifice. The 37th king Bahu is supposed to have lost to the confederacy of the Haihayas, the Telajanghas and other allied Kshatriyas. His posthumous son sagar vanquished the Haihayas and the Talajanghas. The non-Aryan tribes living on the frontiers were also defeated time and again by him. He too performed the asvamedha yagna of horse sacrifice. Sagar’s grand-son Anshuman and great grandson Dilip and his son Bhagirath are today considered to be the peers of Civil engineering, and turned the Ganges flowing east-ward, alongside the Brahmaputra to westward and eventually coming in the now so called the Gangetic plains, life sustaining and irrigation provider Bhagirathi.
Here alone one may argue of considering the age of Ganges in the plains-which is surely not within three thousand years of Raghuvanshis and Ikshavaku put together. And Sagar of the tale and his lineage upto Bhagirath definitely belongs to another twelve thousand year cycle of civilization as being computed by Russians.
Bhagirath’s great grand son Amberish was a great worshiper of Vishnu and brought Ayodhya back to its old glory. He was also a great donor. His grandson Rituparna was a contemporary of the celebrated Vidarbha monarch, Nala (mentioned in the Mahabharat), to whom he taught the secrets of the art of throwing the dice and from whom he acquired the science of training horses. Rituparna’s grandson was Sudasa who is often identified with the Vedic Sudasa of Dasarajna war. It was at the time of his successor, Kalmashpada and the kings that followed that the kingdom of Ayodhya seemed to have suffered reverses. His grand son Mulaka (or Narikavach) had to be raised in secret to save him to continue the royal family of Kosla. There seem to be a bifurcation in the line for six or seven generations, once again uniting under Dalip II or Khatvanga. His son was great Raghu, after whom the family came to be called ‘Raghuvansies . he is famed as the first world-conqueror and performer of ‘Visvajit’ Yagna. Mahakavi Kalidas wrote the great ‘Raghuvansa- Mahakavya’ and all Raghuvanshies should read it. Kalidas says that as Balmiki etc. have already opened the passage to relate the story of the great family of the Solar dynasty, I too am emboldened to proceed to sing in the praise of worthy Raghuvanshies whose empire extended from the high seas in the West to east and down South, whose invincible chariots proceeded directly to the heaven, who performed ‘Yagnas’ as prescribed in holy books and scriptures and donated ceaselessly and collected wealth for being able to do so forever and who spoke seldom for the victory of truth and who conquered over others to raise the level of their fame and glory and who married for progeny only and not for sexual-gratification and who awarded the monarchy on reaching old age to their successors to proceed to the forests to meditate like Rishies and breathe their last, rememebering the almighty.
Like ‘om’ is the very first in the Richas of the Vedas. Similarly son of Sun-God was Vaivasvat Manu, who was revered and honoured by great scholars, hermits and Rishies. In the same dynasty of Vaivasvat Manu, was born king Dalip, who offered peace and tranquility like the moon to one and all. He was very handsome and of great character. And as he was handsome, he was equally of highest intelligence. In early age itself he had finished gaining all knowledge that was to be acquired lie was strict dispenses of law, unbiased and soft hearted. Everyone in his kingdom followed the rules and followed the religion as per the division of caste in the scriptures. Like the sun draws the water from the earth by the heat of its rays, similarly Raja Dalip whatever taxes he collected from the subjects, he spent on their welfare and development of community. Raja Dalip never told any one the secrets of his heart, neither did he allow any one to know it. He lived fearlessly and patiently and calmly he governed his people and dutifully held-up the religion. He spent a lot of time on religious deeds.
Raja Dalip what he received in taxes from the people, he spent on Yagnas to placate Lord Indra for good monsoon. This way Raja Dalip and Lord Indra helped each other to nourish the earth and heaven and to rule both in grace. Brahma has definitely made Raja Dalip from, earth, water, Fire, Air and the sky, the five basic elements, because the five elements always serve the mother earth with smell, sensuality, healthy, touch and sound. others prospered on account of goodness of Dalip. Like Dakshina is famous as the consort of Yagna, similarly born in Maghad empire Sudakshina was the consort of Raja Dalip. It was his earnest desire that his beloved wife' should present him with a son like himself. So he handed over the administration to Minister and took Sudakschina on his chariot to the family-priest's abode. He did not take too many servants with him so as not to disturb the Rishi's Asham. On the way the breeze was caressing them gently with the essence of flowers and nector of the sal-trees, making the tree leaves shiver.
As Dalip reached the abode of Bashishta in the evening he felt the fragrance of 'Havana' spreading all over in the vicinity and purifying the guests presence. He asked the chariot-driver to stop before the 'Ashram' and helped Sudikshana to alight from the chariot, first and then got down himself.
On hearing the news of his arrival the gentle people of the 'Ashram' came forward to welcome their protector and his consort the Queen. When evening prayers were over they took them to Rishi Bashishtha. Then Raja Dalip greeted his family-priest, behind whom pious lady Artmdhati was sitting just like 'Swaha' sitting behind the Fire-pith of the 'Yagna'. Both the king and the queen most sincerely touched the feet of the Guru and his lady and received loving blessings from both of them. Then the great sage enquired of the King, as to whether was well in his Kingdom. Then the King replied that by the virtue of his blessings, in the, kingdom, the King, the ministers, friends, the treasury, the bounty and forts and the Army, all the seven arms are abrim. Fire & flood, pestilence and untimely death the natural disasters and the thiefs, the dacoits, the enemies, the human problems can be overcome by your very blessings and because of your influence there is no distress in the kingdom. With your blessings there are no early deaths, neither is anyone afraid of distresses or disasters of any kind. When you yourself, the son of Brahma is always thoughtful of our welfare, then why should we not live without hindrance or let.
But, O' great sage, this daughter-in-law of yours, Sudakshina is without a progeny and I find this great earth of seven continents as unsavoury and it seems after I am dead there will be nobody to sanctify me. Thinking of this impediment my ancestors refuse to accept the food penance offered by me and instead they begin to grieve as to who after me will offer them food and water, when the season for offering them such offerings come and they fear they will go hungry and thirsty. Therefore, O' great sage, please do tell me of some such means that I am blessed with a son and I am cleared of the debts to my ancestors because O' great sage; You have always and forever cleared the obstacles of the Ikshawaku Kings. On hearing King Dalip, sage Bashishtha shut his eyes to meditate and untangle the reason for the absence of the progeny to the present King. O' King; Listen to me. Once upon a time on your return-journey to the earth after having helped Lord Indra in the battle of Indra's forces against those of the Asuras, the eternal cow 'Kamdhenu' was resting under the 'eternal tree', the Kalpa-Vriksha and in your great sexual urge to meet Sudakshina, who had just bathed and cleaned her hair locks after the periods, you ignored the eternal-cow Kamdhenu and did not go around her and rever her presence on your way to your Queen. This infuriated her immensely as she took it upon her as an insult of her eternal bliss and she put a curse upon you that so long you will not show survitude and penance to her progeny, you shall not be blessed with a progeny yourself. At that time there was a great noise and Stampede in the sky and the milkyway and neither you yourself nor your Chariot-driver could hear of her cursing and the curse itself.
Now at this time Kamdhenu has proceeded to the inner-core of the earth to provide Lord Varun of the sacrificial material for his 'Yagna'. There are scores of huge poisonous shakes guarding the gates of that place and her audience is not possible. Therefore, 0' King, you and your Queen take her progeny and daughter Nandini the eternal cow and cherish and serve with a clear conscience assuming her to be a representative of Kamdhenu. When Bashishtha was speaking to the King, the omnipresent Nandini returned from the forest and on seeing her calf, warm and life sustaining milk oozed-out of her udder. The gentle earth flying in the air from the hoofs of Nandini made the king as clean and pure as if he had just returned from a pilgrimage. Recognising the good omen. Sage Bashishtha spoke to Dalip - 0' king your wishes will soon be fulfilled as on remembering her,the omnipotent Nandini has come to us. You proceed in her service, taking only roots, fruits and other produce of the forest - when She moves. You follow her, when she rests, you stay behind her and then only you rest. When she drinks water, you too drink water only then. Your good wife Sudakshina should get up early and worship her with great devotion and follow her. Out of the Ashram's boundaries on her way to the jungle and she should receive Nandini at the same place on her return from her sojourn in the thick forest and back to the Ashram. Till such time, that the eternal cow is not pleased with your devotion and service, you should continue to serve her and look-after her. God willing there is no hindrance and there are no impediments in your undertaking and like you are an able son of your father, you should also beget a similarly able son .With great modesty the King replied to the sage Bashishtha, that indeed he will do likewise. Thereafter he and his consort obtained the blessings for carrying on this vow, from his family-priest and teacher. It was now well past in the night and Sage Bashishtha arranged for suitable fruits for the King's penance fasting and weed-mattress on the ground to rest in the night, in a cottage made for him and Raja Dalip spent the night there with his Consort Queen Sudakshina observing celibacy.
CHAPTER II
Having rested in the special cottage during the night the welfare king of his subjects Dalip set free the newly lactated Nandini cow for taking her to the Jungle, who had been already worshipped by Queen Sudakshina with sandle-wood paste and flower garlands and the young lactic was tied-up on a bamboo-bull in the ground with a soft hessian rope, thereby keeping him out of mischief. Chief amongst the chaste wives devoted only to their husbands, wife of King Dalip sudakshina followed the purified dusty path of Nandini' s hooves just like Manusmriti follows the customs. Generous King Dalip after sending back the delicate queen Sudakshina with the servants and maids started to attend the slow moving Nandini, made heavy with lactated udders. The king stopped and waited when Nandini stopped as and when she felt like it, moved when she began to move, sat down only when she sat, drank water only when she did so - this way he followed that eternal cow Nandini like a shadow. Devoid of the Crown, the overhead royal umbrella, the fan and other such royal paraphernalia, he was yet very much like a king full of glow and-grandeur of the personality of his own and holding a bow with an arrow about to be shot and delivered to punish the vile untamed animals of the forest in order to keep the provider of Sage Bashishtha's Yagna material, the Nandini, safe and sound from any untoward attack on her being while grazing around in the forest. The trees in his vicinity heralded him a welcome by exhilarated shrieking of birds sitting on those trees, the flowery vines showered their flowers on Dalip the King, the dears and does got full use of their large eyes by standing fearlessly and looking at him over fully and fearlessly time and again, gentle, cool and fragrant breeze caressed him and served him thus, the jungle-fire got extinguished merely on the entry of King Dalip in the forest.
On the setting of the evening, Nandini, having purified the forest land by her roaming about, began to start for the Sage's abode. Dalip, too, watching the forest-scenery followed her. Near the Ashram, King at the back, Nandini in the middle and upfront Queen Sudakshina come forward to welcome Nandini home. This way Nandini looked lovely and gorgeous in between Dalip and Sudakshina like the twilight hour between the day and the night. Sudakshina went about worshipping Nandini again. Though keen to have her lactic Nandini gracefully accepted the delay from the Queen, which made both of them very happy. After salutation of the Rishi and his consort and at the end of the evening prayers and having collected the milk from Nandini's udders, Dalip again started to attend to Nandini coming to sitting down posture. There was an earthen cup with oil and cloth-strand to produce light nearby Nandini and eatables for her use. On her retiring to sleep, the King and sudakshina also used to go to sleep and woke up no sooner she got up from Sleep. This way, Dalip serving Nandini in the Company of his wife, Dalip passed twenty one days.
On the twenty second day, while the King began watching the scenery of the hills, Nandini, to test the heart-felt feelings of the King, entered a passage (going to a cave) in the Himalayas was attacked by a tiger. Hearing her heart rendering shrieks, on entering inside the King saw a tiger-sitting on top of her and Nandini was looking at him for mercy. On seeing this the king withdrew an arrow to kill the tiger, but his hands stopped and be became frozen and he stood still. On consideration of his valour being negated like this, and seeing him wonder-struck like a snake made impotent by the virtue of Mantras and medicines, the tiger spoke in human voice. O' king your effort to kill me is of no consequence. I am a servant of Lord Shiva, who is revered by you also once upon a time wild elephants to get rid of their itching rubbed on the pine tree and removed the top skin of the fine trees by rubbing their massive trunks and their heads, the sight of which pained Goddess Parvati, because she had reared those trees like her children. From that time onwards Lord Shiva appointed me to look-after the trees and ordered me to eat whatever animal came near me in order to survive. Therefore I shall eat the cow. You return without dishonour and shame, you have imparted obedienc e to the teacher well enough what is not within one's reach, there is no fault in it of the person concerned. On hearing this the king was relieved of his' guilt and shame and said O' Mrigendra the Tiger, undoubtedly Lord Shiva is revered by me, but this cow of my priest is not to be ignored and the gentle calf of her's will be eagerly awaiting to be fed by her. Therefore O' tiger of this forest, please make a meal of my body and satiate your appetite by doing so, but I beg you to spare the cow.
On hearing this the tiger produced a grin and spoke again to Dalip O' king; You seem to be devoid of intelligence as I can see it, because for an ordinary and lowly cow a kingdom so large and your young age and beautiful body you are putting at stake to loose the same. Your kindness will benefit just one Nandini, but if you continue living you will ceaselessly look-after the welfare of your subjects. If you are afraid of your priest you can present him with many more cows producing far more milk and subdue his anger. Therefore do not insist on ending your life, enjoy the mundane heaven on earth. After having said so and on the tiger becoming quiet, Dalip said, O' hunter of the deers, to save others from annihilation is the duty of a Kshatriya and for me to live after contradicting such long-held belief, is of no consequence. Appeasement of my family priests' ire will not be possible by donating other cows to him. Take this Nandini to be the Kamdhenu herself and because your attack is blessed by Lord Shiva and therefore I think it imperative to offer my limbs to you in order to save her being. In such a way your appetite will be satiated as well as the sage's 'Yagna' and sacrifices will continue to be performed without any hindrance. You are dependent upon someone and you know what is it like being dependent. If something to be cherished is destroyed, then a servant cannot appear before the master out of shame and guilt. Pray have mercy on me, I have no love for my life because a man as victorious and brave as I am has no faith in positively and eternally destructible human embodiment. To offer my own life and limbs to be able to save the holy cow is supreme religion and that is what I do desire. Learned ones say that conversation brings about friendship, thus we are friends now. Therefore o' friend of mine, please do not shatter my prayer. On hearing of his pleas and on acceptance of it by the tiger the kings massive arms became loose and after removing his armaments, he presented himself to the tiger as if he was a big chunk of meat for the tiger to devour with his head bent down waiting for the tiger to make his ferocious attack Dalip received a showering of flowers from the heavens above and Nandini spoke up, o' son rise and on hearing the nector like words from Nandini the king saw Nandini looking at him like a mother but not the tiger and he was perplexed ever so much, when Nandini addressed him again. She said, youngman because of the influence of the sage Bashishtha) not evem Yamraj the death-God can bring any harm to myself, let alone other animals. I produced the tiger with magic to test your devotion and I am much pleased with your devotion to your teacher and your sense of mercy on all creatures, speak-up and ask for a boon to be granted by me, say what do you want? Do not consider me merely a lactating cow, but eternal Kamdhenu in a good mood, to be able to grant you a boon. On hearing this the king folded his hands in salutation to her and asked for a son to sudakshina to prolong him from generation to generation. Nandini granted him the boon by saying so be it and asked him to take some milk from her udder in a suitable cusp of leaves and to drink it up. But the king said O' mother that I shall do only after you have fed the lactic and provided for the 'daily-Yagna' of the sage. And thereafter on emerging out of the cave with the Holy cow he related the entire episode to the sage on reaching his abode' the Ashram' and happily told the same thing again and happily to his consort Sudakshina, although seeing the happy countenance of the King he had already realized it. After with the kind permission of the sage, he drank the milk remaining after feeding of lactic and ‘Havana'. Next day after completion of the Holy Cow fasting he took permission to depart from the sage with his blessings and completed the pious enclosure for yagna of the sage, and with his better-half ,he boarded his chariot with Sudakshina to leave for his capital city. On his arrival in Ayodhya the subjects welcomed him wirh great rejoicing, exhuberance and hope. Thereafter taking-over the reigns of the kingdom from the Ministers he looked after his people and his subjects as per the scriptures and statutes of fo1anu, his ancestor. And by and by like the skies wear the moon coming from the eyes of Sage Atri and like the eternal Ganges quelling the heat coming from the being of Lord Shiva and tormenting Skand, similarly Sudakshina bore the progeny creating embroyo of Dalip, which included the blessings of 'Lokpals, the keepers in all the ten directions warding-off evil from her.
CHAPTER III
On conceiving ,wife of King Dalip, Sudakshina began to dispense happiness and joyous foreboding of carrying forward the progeny of the Ikshawakus by showing signs of her pregnancy. She began to slim down in her body and a shade of pale came about on her countenance and she shed away excessive garments and jewellery and started nibbling at baked earthen potteries. On seeing this the elated King Dalip enquired of the needs of a pregnant woman and arranged for every thing as required. Gradually the pain of child-bearing began to ease and she started to put-on weight and usual coloration also took place of the breasts. On realization of her pregnancy, out of love for his consort and in accordance of his wealth, King Dalip performed the Vedic-rituals and called upon clever medicine-men for proper growth of the embryo and its feeding and well-being. In the tenth month, Sudakshina was blessed with a son. The king performed donations most graciously and asked family-priest Sage Bashishtha from the meditating forest to perform the baptisation of the new prince and called him Raghu.
Repeating the words of the maids in his own smattering ways, the boy began to grow, slowly and there after became learned by learning useful lessons of many subjects. King Dalip performed the sacred thread ceremony and after his betrothal appointed him the king in waiting. On elation of Raghu, King Dalip became intolerable to his enemies. Later on assigning the Prince-royal Raghu, the duty of the safety of the horses, Dalip performed 99 Rajasuya Yagnas of horses sacrifice successfully. To perform the hundreth Yagna when the King released the sacrificial horse, Lord Indra was alarmed and became impatient with Dalip's glory and unhindered prowess and stole the horse, while vanishing himself. Not finding the horde, Ragha at the head of the Army became speechless. Just then he sighted the Holy Kamdhenu cow Nandini of Sage Bashishtha, whose powers he had already heard-of. Immediately he put her urine to his eyes and could see Lord Indra taking away the stolen horse. On seeing this scene, he challenged Indra, saying O' King of all Devas, you being a protector of Yagnas, if you shall act in this manner, how will people perform Yagnas? Then Indra said O' Prince, you are quite right, but yet your father is wanting to end my glory and predominance by performing the hundredth horse-sacrificial Yagna, because I am the only one who has so far performed a hundred 'Yagnas' or 'Shatritu', and there is no one else, therefore I have seized the horse and taken it into my custody, you go back, or else you will meet the same fate like that of the many sons of King Sagar.
On that note, Raghu said, if that indeed is your decision, please pick-up arms as without vanquishing me, you cannot be allowed to take the horse away. Saying this Raghu struck Indra's chest with an arrow. Indra became furious and struck such an arrow on Raghu's chest that blood began to flow. In this way a great battle ensued between the two. Finally, Raghu cut down the flag-mast of Lord Indra's Chariot, which was taken as a great humiliation by Lord Indra and in order to kill Raghu he shot his invincible armour 'Vajra' on him. But, after being momentarily, Raghu was up again. And so seeing the tenacity and invincibility of Raghu the prince valiant of the Aryan race and said 0’Prince who would be the king; The invincible ‘Vajra’ of my armoury, which can even slash the wings of mighty mountains has not been nullified successfully by anyone till today, save for yourself. I am immensely pleased and happy, to see your bravery and courage. Ask for any boon but for the Horse.
On hearing this Raghu said 0 great Lord of ‘Devas’, if you do not intend giving me the horse, then my revered father the perpetual performer of Yagnas may receive the full glory' and benediction of the intended hundredth horse-sacrificial-Yagna and being a part of Lord Shiva, please arrange to send a message by your messenger of our conversation in any way thought possible by you to my father present in the said Yagna-home situated in an impregnable place. Lord Indra granted this request of Raghu and asked his Chariot driver Matil to trace back the path to Indra’s domain. And Yuvraj Raghu, while being the victor, but devoid of the horse and being unhappy about it started to return to the Yagna-home of King Dalip.
The details of Raghu and Indra' s episode was already conveyed to King Dalip which had gladdened his heart and so he slowly caressed the wound made on Raghu's body made by Lord Indra's Vajra, with his hands numbed by the great happiness in his heart and he welcomed the Prince valiant. Thus King Dalip having created 99 steps to reach heaven by performing 99 horse sacrificial Yagnas, proceeded to the 'Vanprastha' ashram as is the custom of Ikshawaku Kings, after having bestowed the kingdom to his heir and Son.
CHAPTER IV
Maharaj Raghu became evermore enshrined on receiving the Kingdom of Ayodhya from his father King Dilip like the birds receiving the inherent glow of Sun God at the time of the evening, become glorious, too. His subjects and the people of Ayodhya greeted Raghu with joy on his elation to kingship. At that time, the policy making ministers put forward proposals by the right and also of cunning, as per the scriptures and as also deviating from it, but Raghu accepted the righteous path only. And so Raghu ruled virtuously and by his tenacity and willpower overcame the enemies and subdued them.
Seeing Raghu on the throne, Goddess Saraswati served him by making the bards sing and recite poems in his praise. Though-Manu and other kings had enjoyed and well utilized the resources of this Earth, but finding Raghu, the Mother Earth, too, became totally enamoured with him as if she was a lovelorn fair maiden. Like men finding the fruits on the mango trees, do not think of the next season's new crop, similarly happy with the qualities of Raghu, the subjects began to forget king Dilip. The whole kingdom felt the prosperity which became a cause of their perpetual happiness. To have created love and affection amongst his subjects, Raghu came to be known as truly the ruler and the King. On Raghu becoming the new King, it seemed as if everything in the world acquired a new Veneer.
On receiving the king hood, Raghu established peace and tranquility in his kingdom. Autumn's arrival was as if Goddess Laxmi had arrived sitting on the lotus. The Sun in cloudless 'Skies with it’s glow similar to the name and fame of Raghu spreading in all four directions of the earth. Lord Indra kept the bow concerning the rains aside and Raghu picked up his bow towards conquering the world, because both of them were always so willing and ready for solving the problems of their subjects. The end of rainy season and onset of autumn brought about rejoicing all around. Village belles sitting in the shade of Sugar-cane fields for guarding the crops began to utter praise of Raghu, keeper and protector of his subjects. Rise of Agastya brought about cleanliness in the flowing waters. Onset of autumn dried-up muck and slush and pathways and roads became hardened and dried. Massive and arrogant bulls, following in Raghu's footsteps, began to barge- on the river side embnrkments and break them. Thus an end of the rainy season and arrival of autumn provided encouragement to Raghu to proceed on the victory march, and he performed with care the 'Niranjana' - mode of tranquility and safety of the capital, started on an auspicious time for the conquest of the world leading an army combine of six various types of fighting forces like the foot soldiers and the Cavalry and the elephant brigade and such like as was developed those days.
As mighty as Lord Indra himself, Raghu first of all proceeded in the eastern direction. The Chariots and horses produced clouds of dust and elephants like dark clouds joined the sky with the earth. Raghu' s arrogant might in the lead followed by tumultuous sounds made by the elephants and dust-clouds behind them and lastly the army was marching. Raghu converting dry-zones into water-providing areas by his influence, making bridges on rivers, cutting and felling thick dark forests for Sun-light to come to them to proceed on and on. Raghu leading his army towards world-conquest, taking them to the eastern coast of the Sea, looked as if Raja Bhagirath was leading the Holy Ganges coming-out of Lord Shiva's hair-bin to Ganga-Sagar.
After conquering each and every sovereign, Raghu re-appointed them in their Kingdom. Like paddy after being transplanted in the rice-fields produces higher yield, similarly all those kings offered him unstinted support. Thus the passage of Raghu kept on becoming devoid of any impediments.
Conquering the Kings of the east, when Raghu reached the coast of the sea adorned by the alluvial forests, then the King of 'Suhya' region without any fight accepted his sovereignty under 'Vaitasi' mode. Proceeding further on and winning over the kings of Bengal with many Boats at their disposal, he planted his Victory-tower in Sagar Islands. Crossing river Kapisha by the bridge provided by the elephants he preceded to Orissa, where people told him the passage to Kalinga. On reaching there and defeating the King willing to fight, he established his unable to bear might and reknown on Mahendra hillocks. There his soldiers drank from coconut shells like drinking of the prestige of the enemies in coconut leaves and rested for removing tiredness from their war-weary bodies.
Thereafter he proceeded South along the Sea-coast. Crossing river Kaveri and proceeding through the riverine belt of Malayagiri, he defeated the present Pandya region ruler situated on the confluence of Tamra-parni river and the sea. South where the Sun-shine is reduced in intensity, the rulers of that area could not stand the might of Raghu. Pandya king very humbly presented him with a neckless of pearls. Crossing the Sahya mountains and after winning Kerala, there was a spray of nectar of Ketaki flying towards them due to the wind force on river Murla of Kerala and the reverberation of the sound produced by Raghu's army's horses trampling the ground beat the sound made from the hussling of the palm-trees.
From the same ocean, a place was acquired by Lord Parashuram after his humble request, and now with no requests made by Raghu, its kings gave enough wealth the interests of which was enormous. Raghu sanctioned the Trikoot hillock as his Victory tower which had received the damage to it by his elephants.
Thereafter Raghu proceeded to Persia and fought those sacrilegious foreigners whose women's mouths emitted of wine's smell. The clouds of dust covered the battle-field so that it was only the tumultuous whack of whack of the mighty bow that one could perceive the presence of the warriors. Raghu slashed on and on with his spear head on the bearded heads of Persian kings. Till the time the battle ground was fully covered by their bearded heads and looked like the earth was covered with myriads of behives fallen on the ground. Those who escaped annihilation surrendered to Raghu with their head-gear like long caps on his feet.
Eventually winning-over the Huns, he turned towards north and with a victory on Combodia, he fought fiercely with the kings on the Himalayas mountains Raja Raghu had a fierce-battle with the tribe of 'Utsav-Sanket', in which the arrows, missile and stones colliding with each other produced sparks and fire. After achieving victory over them. Raghu made the Gandharva's sing in praise of his might and victory. The defeated 'Ustsava-Sankets' offered to Raghu such large amounts of gorgeous presents that Raghu found-out about the enormous wealth of the Himalayas and people of Himalaya came to learn of the might at the disposal of Raghu.
Then on after establishing his glorious name forever on the Himalayas, he did not venture on the holy Kailash because of the lurking doubts of the same having been lifted by Ravan only. Thereafter on crossing river 'Lohitya' Raghu created shudders in the heart of Kamrupeshwar because he could not endure even the dust storm produced by Raghu's army, then how could he bear the vanguard of his army. The king of Kamrup presented to Raghu, who was mightier than Lord Indra, all his elephants with the help of whom he won many battles. That ruler of Kamrup region, presented Raghu with immense valuable stones to honour him.
Thus conquering all four corners of earth trampling the heads of the massacred kings turning dusty with the dust-storm his four-fronged invincible army, Raghu returned back to Ayodhya, his Capital, well and happily after conquering the world.
With passage of sometime, Raja Raghu ordered to arrange for that 'Vishvajit' 'Yagna' in which all your wealth is given away in donations to the Yagna-performing Brahmins and to the sages presiding on the ceremony and to the common folk come to receive the same. Right it is like the clouds acquire water from the oceans and by raining them down for the benevolence of the people, empty themselves, likewise benevolent gentle creed of men collect wealth towards benevolence of mankind. At the end of the ‘Yagna', on the consent of Ministers, Raghu bid fare-well to those kings for their places, where their queens and consorts were eagerly awaiting them as it had been long since they had gone. On having received consent for leaving for their Capitals they bent down to place their crowned heads on the feet of Raghu, in their fare-well salutations, and the nectar from the crushed garlands of flowers worn by those kings made Raghu's feet and its' toes red in colour.
CHAPTER V
When the King had given away all his wealth in Yagna's donation, then sage 'Vartanee's disciple Sage 'Kautsa' after having learnt all the knowledge came to Raghu for receiving money to pay the fees of his teacher. Skillful in welcoming guests and being devoid of golden-utensils, Raja Raghu appeared taking the welcoming objects in earthen pots, he worshipped 'Kautsa' as per the scriptures and stood before him with folded hands and asked O'sage, your teacher, as glowing as the Sun God, is well, I hope? And his meditation is continuing unhindered? Tendered like a son the shady trees of the forest of his meditation are not impeded by gusty winds and jungle-fire? The rivers etc. with whose water you bathe with, worship and make religious offerings are not having any kind of problem? Cows and buffalos etc. of the villages are not eating away you paddy and other crops? I am not satiated with merely looking at your holy self, because I am keenly awaiting to carry out your command, which will make me immensely happy. Is it with the consent of the sage teacher that you have obliged me so much by coming here, or is on your own accord that you have arrived here from the Ashram?
On seeing the Puja-paraphernalia in earthen pots, Kautsa was already disenchanted in his heart, O'King all is well in the Ashram, how could there be any discord so long you are the king? Can there be darkness, when the sun is shining? Devotion to the reverential is customary among the Ikshawakus, but I am a bit late in arriving here, that is the cause of my sorrow. Like on plucking the fruit of Niwar tree only twinges are left behind, likewise after giving away all your wealth to the alms-seekers you have attained a glow, having spent all the wealth of your treasury in donating to all and sundry you are shining like a week quarter moon in the sky after the Gods and ancestors having tasted the nectar through your benevolence. Do not worry yourself O' great King, I shall try with other worthies for obtaining wealth for offering, to my teacher as his tuition-fee. The King asked, ready and in a hurry to depart from there, sage Kautsa, O' good Brahmin; What do you want to offer and how much as your tuition-fee? On hearing this the sage told the humble and pious king, that on completion of my education I begged the teacher for accepting a tuition-fee, but he was not willing to ask for any tuition-fee, considering my devotion and dedication to his self as the fee itself. But on my persistence he was annoyed and spoke of bringing 14 millions of gold coins, for teaching me 14 different traits of education. But realizing your condition on seeing the earthen pots with which you appeared before me to welcome me, I shall not trouble you any longer. When the King heard this, he said to him, Sire Please rest in my Yagna-house, for a few days and I shall try to fulfill your requirement in the meanwhile. Much disrepute shall befall me, should you leave here like this (empty handed).
With the blessings of sage Bashishtha, Raghu's chariot could reach anywhere and he wished to win over Kuber to bring the required wealth, for which had his chariot prepared for which he had his chariot prepaired for the morning, before retiring to sleep. Early morning the treasury officials brought the news to the King of bountyful gold found in the treasury as if gold had rained there, and the king wanted to give it all away to 'Kauta, but he was not willing to accept any more than what was needed for his tution-fee. People of Ayodhya were speechless and overwhelmed, seeing the scene of the King wanted to give away all the wealth and the sage not wanting to accept more than his requirement and uttered words of praise to both, Dhanya; Dhanya;(glory to thee,Glory to thee)
A delighted Kautsa told the King O' keeper of the faith, there should be no element of surprise if the mother earth offers all the wealth and good crops to the King, when you are capable of snatching the required wealth even from the Heavens above. There is nothing lacking in your Kingdom but you are devoid of a progeny. So, you may beget a worthy son, so I blessed thee. Kautsa returned to the Ashram after blessing the king and the king had the tution-fee transported to the Ashram by camels and horses.
Afterwards Raghu was blessed with a son, and he named him Aj. Like Raghu Aj too was handsome with a beautiful physic and very attractive demeanour. Receiving education from worthy teachers Aj was ready to be crowned the prince-royal or Yuvraj, the king in waiting. King Bhoj of Vidarbha sent an invitation to Raghu for sending prince Aj to participate in the 'Swayambara', the great assembly of all the eligible bachelor princes from amongst whom the bride to be would choose her suitor, for his sister Indumati to be wedded on the occasion. King Raghu considering Aj to be of marriageable age and seeing the suitability of relationship with Raja Bhoj, sent Aj accompanied with an Army, to Vidarbha. On the way on the banks of Narmada the army led by Aj set camp. Suddenly a rogue elephant came out of the river Narmada, splashing away its water. The army elephants panicked on the odour of the rogue elephant, horses went helter and skelter and the Chariots fell apart and broke-down and soldiers ran to save women-folk.and in this way the rouge elephant disturbed everyone immensely.
Then Aj, shot with an arrow on the rogue elephants head. On receiving the arrow the elephant turned into a glowing-personna and showering Aj with the Heaven situated 'Nandan-forest' flowers, he spoke, O' great prince, I am Priyavand son of Priyadarshan the King of Gandharvas and I was converted into an elephant by the curse of Sage Matanga. The great Rishies temperament is also as cool as water, on my begging to him for pardon, he said that on receiving a hurt from the arrow of prince Aj my curse shall cease to be. You have set me free from that curse and if I do not favour you then my eternal wealth is of no use. O' my good friend I give you the armament called 'Sammohan' by the use of which the enemy faints and victory is achieved without violence. Please accept my gift. Accordingly Aj bathed and cleansed himself in Narmada water and learnt the way of using the 'Sammohan' armament (missile) from the Gandharva prince. Like this after receiving an out of the world armament by God's grace, Aj proceeded to Vidarbh and the Gandharva because homeward bound. As nearing the town of Vidarbha the king of Vidarbha came to receive Aj with pomp and show and bringing him to the town made him comfortable and easy and welcomed him with pageantry.
Aj was made to stay in a newly-built palace which was marked for him by the officials of Raja Bhoj. Thinking of many worries about Indumati Aj could sleep only late in the night. At the end of the night, in the wee hours of the morning the bards began to praise Aj with sweet voices. Honoured guest the night is over the glow of Moon is diminished. Your eyes will be properly compared to a lotus if both of them open up together and at the same time. So please arise, the early morning breeze is repeatedly seeking the scent of your mouth and going hither and thither. Delicate dew drops collected on red leaves are well compared to the triffle-smile on your lips. Your elephants have got up from sleep, in the early rays of the Sun there tuskers are looking colourful. Your Arab Stallions tied-up inside the tents are feeling the taste of rock salt. Just look at the night flower garlands looking stale, the glow of the lamp has diminishes and your parrot is also copying us to awaken you. Therefore please arise and shine.
Thus on the blissful utterance of the bards the woken-up prince Aj got up from the massive-bed just like the massive Supratik rises from the sands on the banks of the Ganges in the South-East direction on hearing the melodies sounding Swans making a tumult of happy chorus. On leaving the bed Aj freshened himself and said his prayers and with an adept escort of the ceremony of the 'Swayambara', dressed himself suitably and ostentatiously for the occasion to join the gathering of the kings already Assembled in the 'Swayambara’ place.
CHAPTER - VI
In the sixth chapter there is a engrossing detail of the Swayambara of princess Indumati. Son of King Raghu, Yuvaraj Aj perused on the well-dressed kings seated on decorated high chairs looking like their thrones on raised platforms depicting the Gods of Heaven splendorous in their flying chariots. Aj ascended as gracefully on decorated stairs as tiger climbs step by step on hilly rocks to reach the summit of the hillock, to reach a suitable platform as indicated by Raja Bhoj. The Kings assembled there became despondent about marrying Indumati the moment they set their eyes on prince Aj who looked so handsome and becoming for the Occasion, as if God of attraction and sexuality Kamdev had come there himself. Attired in resplendent robes and clothes seated on bejewelled throne Aj looked like Lord Kartikeya seated on many splendoured back of the peacock which is his carrier.
Like the big bees get attracted to the scent-oozing tuskers in the jungle, ignoring the blooming trees, likewise all the public spectators gathered for the occasion looked away from all other kings to set their eyes fixed on Aj. And thereafter the knowledgeable bards began to recite the glory of Kings of the Solar dynasty and those of the Moon's dynasty. Scented deodorants were slowly producing cleansing smoke in the atmosphere and auspicious music began to play. In the mean time younger sister of Raja Bhoj Indumati escorted by her maid-in-waiting Sunanda who was also her confidant and a friend arrived in a palanquin on the Swayambara place from the passage in between the platforms raised for placing various king's chairs. Looking at the incomparable beauteous creation of God that Indumati was, all the kings of the gathering began to show-off each in a different manner in order to be able to justify the emotions of their hearts. The poet has excelled in describing the romantic expressions of various kings in seven stanzas, in gist the kings and princes found favoring them, and on the contrary Indumati considered them all to be villainous. A high-falutin description has been presented most lucidly. First of all there is a description of the King of Magadh.
Fully acquainted with the genealogy of Kings and their characters, out-spoken like men-folk the door-attendant of the Queen’s enclosures in the palace, Sunanda presenting Indumati before the king of Magadh, Parantap, she spoke to the princess’ O' princess, there being many kings in the world, yet the mother earth is sanctified and splendoured only by this king. He calls upon Lord Indra to preside during his performance of many Yagnas so incessantly that the consort of Lord Indra has turned into a perpetual love-lorn lady. Should you decide to betroth him you cause many ladies installed in various palaces of Pusgpapur, to rejoice by your addition. Parantap did not appeal to Indumati and she signalled Sunanda to proceed further. Then Sunanda pointing out the king of Anga region said he enjoys heavenly happiness and joys while living in this mundane world. Goddess Laxmi and Goddess Saraswati both reside together in his palace. So most beauteous and soft-spoken you become the third one. But not finding Indumati interested Sunanda took her to the king of Ujjain and said, this mighty king stays near to Mahakaleshwar Mahadeo, therefore, he enjoys moon-light even during the dark fortnight of Hindu Calendar. If you wish to move at leisure in the Mangroves and gardens shivering and shaken by winds blowing from river Chhipra still he did not appeal to princess Indumati.
Next Sunanda reached the king of Anup region, and started saying, he is born in the dynasty of Sahastra arjun and is very meritorious. His capital Mahishmati wears the river Narmada like a Cummerbund and if you wish to partake in enjoying the. sight from the palace, then you should accept to become his household Laxmi by his side. Although very pleasing to look at, yet he did not appeal to Indumati. Then Sunanda by going near Sushen, king of Mathura gave his introduction to Indumati that he is born in the Neep dynasty and his fame is to be found in other's domain. The women in his queen's palace when bathing with sandal-wood scented waters their breasts become comparable to the waves in rivers Ganga and Jamuna. So if you want to move about in Vrindavan like gardens, then you can marry him and in the rainy season enter the caves of mountain Goverdhan and sitting there on scented Shilajit rocks watch the dancing peacocks. Leaving him aside Indumati proceeds further and Sunanda after a description of King of Kalinga, Hemangad, she says in the description of the king of Nagpur that this king of Nagpur that this king of Pandu - province is like one of Lord Indra's ‘devas'. Sage Augastya enquires of uninterrupted performance of his Yagna and Avlor with bathing. Afraid of his might even Ravana, the great Asura, maintains friendship with him. He is dark like blue lotus and you are fair as milky white, therefore you could unite like thunder clouds and lightening. He also did not appeal to Indumati. Like in the night as the lights go out of the house and proceed further leaving such houses look forsaken similarly those kings whom Indumati left behind became forelorn and sad.
And finally when Indumati reached where Aj was seated, his left arm began to twitch, which made him believe that she shall marry me only. And on the other side, Indumati on finding the most beautiful and devoid of any flaw Aj, stopped from proceeding any further like the bees do not leave the mango trees full of flowers in the spring time to go to other trees. Sunanda describing Aj began to say, that he is the son of Raja Raghu, whose father Raja Dilip was born in the Ikshawaku dynasty, and who collected wealth from all the four corners of the earth only to give it all away in donations and alms during the Yagna to celebrate the conquest of the world. Only earthen pots remained with him. This prince is a son of Raghu, like Jayant is of Lord Indra, so by the birth, by the grandeur of personality, through young of age, through modesty and other virtues in full measure he is the best match for you. Therefore O' princess, do choose him as your husband. Like a precious stone becomes further adornable with gold, similarly yours and Aj's binding together will be most appreciable. Then princess Indumati very gladly accepted Aj. Out of shyness and natural modesty she could not speak anything but the good omen come out of romantic emotions began to ooze-out and Showed in her persona. Watching Indumati’s infatuation with Aj, Sunanda egged-on jocularly, come now let us go to the next king. On hearing this Indumati looked at Sunanda with annoyance from the corner of her eyes, because going any where else was not Indumati's heart's desire.
By and by, princess Indumati had Sunanda garland Aj son of Raghu with Swayamber-garland woven on plain chord becoming red with the colour of 'kumkum' or 'rori’ & Similarly soft natured and patient and of beauteous nature Aj and Indumati's joining together in eternal bond made the citizens of the Capital of Vidarbha pleased and joyous and they began to say Indumati has combined with Aj, today like pure moon-light meets the sea. In that Swayambar - tent house on one side there were those of the grooms side whose joys knew no bounds and on the other side a group of the kings who were unable to obtain the princess Indumati. At that moment that tent-house was looking like that lake-in which in the morning, at one side there was a lotus in full bloom and on the other a bevy of unblossmed flower of “Kumud”.
Chapter - VII
In the Swayamber place, Aj being betrothed by Indumati by she having garlanded him duly, Raja Bhoj took equally suitable groom Aj escorting his sister Indumati with him to his capital city and crest-fallen other kings having lost all aspirations to win-over Indumati, departed for their Camps while blaming their own looks and cursing their attires.
Beautifully decorated with flowers, garlands, flags trappings etc., the Royal boulevard was mobbed by hordes of women in various modes - some women having forgotten to wind up their long hairs with garlands and holding the bonquet in their hands rushed to their windows, another woman who was having her feet decorated with (Mahavar) by the servant girl, quickly leaving her aside ran to the sight-screen with wet Mahavar leaving impressions of her feet on the floor, the third one applying black soot die in her eyes, applied it one eye only and forgot to apply in the other eye, holding the die applying stick in her hands, the fourth one without arranging the apparel holding knot on her Sari, kept on standing by at the window holding the Sari folds by her hands, the fifth one was arranging on a thread the pearls for the cummerbund and was half-way through, when in a hurry to look at Aj, ran so that all the pearls were thrown askew and only the thread remained tied to her big toe as when she had started to arrange the pearls with the thread.
Those women of the town with their silhoutte in the peep-holes, windows and sight-screens looked like agitated bees representing the moving eyes, hovering on the lotuses like their bodies. After looking-over Aj with close scrutiny, they displayed joy and happiness and began to say in many ways that thank God for the Swayambar being organised or else, how Indumati could have obtained an equally deserving husband. If the Gods in heavens had not solemnised their pairing, their beauty's incarnations would have been wasted. They must have been Rati and Kamdeva in their earlier incarnation, or else how come Indumati had to choose only Aj out of thousands of Kings & princes. Thus listening to women's description through their ride in the town, Aj ascended from the elephant holding the arms of King, of Kamrup, on reaching the house of Raja Bhoj and went inside the Court-yard.
Inside the Court-yard Raja Bhoj went about carrying forward with the procedures prescribed in the Vedas giving away the clothing’s woven out of beehives left-overs. The family priest after Yagna and offerings to all the Gods and deities in the fire-pit, made fire the witness and solemnised the marriage of Aj and Indumati. Here, there is a splendid narration of the marriage procedures in a natural way and of social customs upon customs of every kind prevalent in those days. Thus after the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies, Raja Bhoj bid fare-well to all other kings, in a fitting manner after honouring them duly.
These jealous kings with a mind to abduct Indumati from Aj, set camps after going some distance from the king's palace. On the other end Raja Bhoj bid fare-well to his, sister having given her enough dowry as per his limitations but full of loving for her. After staying with them for three nights on their way to Ayodhya, Raja Bhoj turned back to go to his Capital. And after that those Kings putting impediment to Aj taking away Indumati prepared to battle with Aj. Aj appointing trusted minister for the welfare of Indumati, jumped in the battle-field. Soldiers of both sides fought fiercely and eventually Aj utilized the sleep producing armament presented to him by Priyambad Gandharva, the armament of Gandharva's might and cunning of Super human proportions by the influence of which all the kings and their fighting men lost their consciousness and fell asleep. Aj blew on his Victory Conch, and hearing the reverberation of his conch, all his soldiers returned around him. Thus having obtained the Victory Queen, Aj returned to anxious Indumati, Look my darling; at these kings, they wanted to battle with me on this much might only for taking you away from me. At -this moment they are so helpless that small kids can grab their armaments from them.
Indumati's heart's happiness knew no bounds in her husband’s bravery and Victory, but because of her modesty and shyness, she could not express her feelings personally but he greeted profusely through her attendant maid. Thus having bested those formerly opposing kings. Aj returned to Ayodha in the company of indumati the replica like victory-queen. Raja Raghu was already aware of all the goings-on, therefore welcoming his praise-worthy and victorious son in the company of admirable daughter-in-law he bestowed upon him the onus of bringing-up the family and the reign of the kingdom and retired himself to a peaceful Ashram. Quite correctly the kings of the sun-dynasty, on the advent of the son’s maturity to take-over the burden of the household retire themselves from family life to meditation.
“Plebeians who would be kings”
myth of Ikshawakus
and history of Raghuvanshies
From seven millennium B.C.
In Ashtha Chakra Ayodhya
To
28th June 1952 in Kaithi (katehar)
with translated narration of
Kalidas in “Raghuvansh Mahakavya”
From Raghu to Agnivarna
BOOK-IV
CHAPTER – VIII
Even through Aj had not yet shed-off the auspicious threads and signs of his betrothal and wedding, Raja Raghu handed-over the entire earth to him and Aj on his part accepted the same as a fatherly-command. When Aj was duly crowned, Sage Bashishtha sprinkled holy water on him, which pleased every one immensely. On ascending to the thrown Aj acquired such mighty grandeur that all his enemies shivered talking about him. Because eternal-glow added to Kshatriya’s-glory makes a king so high and mighty like the fire becoming fierce by blowing of the wind. The subjects and the people finding Aj as their king thought as though Raghu has become young again, because Aj had not inherited only his father’s kingdom but all the qualities and greatness of Raghu entered his persona.
Aj began to rule the newly found kingdom of the earth with great benevolence. He loved his subject most dearly. He was neither a martinet nor a week person. He suppressed his adversaries like things pressed down by the gusty winds. When Raghu observed that his son was greatly admired by the people he built a small cottage on the outskirts of the town and finally handing-over the reigns of the kingdom to his virtuous son Aj, retired there in the company of his wife. At that time the sun-dynasty was like the moon was hiding in one corner of the sky and the sun was rising in another corner of the eternity. In one place Raja Aj was occupying the throne to look-after the welfare of the people then there was Raghu squatting on the Kusha-mat like an ascetic trying to practice controlling of the psyche. Aj conquered over the kings by the might of his over powering personality and Raghu with the fire of knowledge and strength of Yogies, and performed the last rites on grand scale. And being reasoned our of sorrow by learned wisemen he achieved a clam and patient mental state and began to rule by the statutes and scriptures.
After sometime, Indumati gave birth to a brave son. This son of Aj was radiant like Sun God, whose glory went far and wide in all ten directions, whom the learned wise-men called ‘Dashrath’, man owning ‘ten chariots’. Having studied the Veda and absolving himself from the debt of sages, having performed the Yagnas getting rid of the debt of heavenly bodies or the ‘Devas’ and having fathered a son, thereby devoid of the debt of his father Aj was shining as radiantly as the sun-god. One day, Aj was whiling away time in the eternal garden the Nadan-van, with queen Indumati when sage Narad with his guitar was passing by the milky-way having a garland of heavenly flowers handing on the way, having a garland of heavenly flowers handing on the top of the of the guitar, to recite songs to Lord Shiva, when by a sudden gust of wind that garland slipped from its’ place all of a sudden and landed between the breasts of Indumati. The moment Indumati looked at it she shut her eyes in horror and dropped dead on the ground. After she ceased to be alive, her whole body turned pale. Loosing his composure his throat was choked and holding her like a guitar in his embrace the King began to wail in misery of mournful cry and began to say that when even flowers can kill by touching a person then the Gods can kill anyone with anything. If this garland has the potential of a killer then I too shall place it on my own chest. With the God’s grace sometimes the poison is turned into heavenly nectar and somewhere the nectar becomes poison o’ my darling lady, I committed many a times the crime of insulting you but on your part, you never did rebuke me. But in the heart of hearts I never bode ill of you, then why are you leaving me? Look the moon again finds the night, the male love bird chakwa meets the female chakvi in the morning’s vee-hours, but you have departed forever what shall I do, now? The benediction of your feet is being recalled by the Ashoka tree and they are showering the tears of flowers and so also your attendants and friends who were always with you in good times and bad-times. And your son with the happy countenance like that of the moon is wailing unstoppably and your eternal lover, I am forever so sad. Today I have lost my sublime patience, the happiness is no more, now you only tell me that by taking you away, what is it the God has not taken away from me?
When the king of Koshala was mourning thus for his beloved, at that time looking at him the flora looking like shedding their own tears by oozing juice from their branches. The royal house-hold removing away Indumati from the bossoms of Aj and after decorating her with flowers and garlands, the moment they took her on the Sandle-wood funeral pyre to start the last rites of her Aj become restless and excited from the loss of his mate and consort. Having concluded the ten days routine of The last rites as per the scriptures when he re-entered the town the entire citizenry began to wail inconsolably.
Those days Sage Baslishtha was occupied with yagna on his own Ashram. Sensing the tragedy through the powers of yoga, he sent a disciple for consoling the king in his grief, with a message. Once upon a time a sage named ‘Trinvinda’ was carrying out the eternal meditation. Fearful of his eternal meditation. Lord Indra sent the Apsara Hirani one of the eternal beauties of his Court to disturb and upset him to curtail his meditation. Like the strong waves of the Ganges erode and break the banks of the river, similarly that Apsara happened to have arrived there. Just looking at her the sage cursed her to damnation of being born as a human beings wife and mate, in the human’s world. Immediatesly on hearing the curse she spoke to the sage with folded hands, begging him to listen to her, O’ Holy one, I have committed this crime by the orders of the others. I am not at fault please forgive me. On hearing her pleadings, the sage said that until you have seen the eternal flower, you shall have to reside on the surface of the earth. Same Apsara taking birth in the Vidarbha dynasty had become your queen. Now having seen the eternal flower she was dispensed with the curse and has returned to her heavenly abode. Therefore do not grieve on her demise. Now stop mourning and look-after the welfare of the earth. The earth in fact is the true consort of the kings. Even on your demise, you will not be able to meet her, because after death everyone as per one’s deeds and ‘karma’ goes different ways & paths. The scriptures says that when the members of the house- hold cry and mourn too much then the Holy spirit is much troubled. When body and consciousness or ‘Atma’ go, their different way then what of the sons and wives you are primate amongst those having conquered upon the urges of the human senses, therefore you shall not grieve. In this way the king somehow spent next eight years and having given the sermon of the best ways as per the scripture of looking after the subjects to his well educated prince Dashrath, spending his time in devotional songs gave up his life on the confluence of Ganga and Saryu and departed for Heaven’s Nandan forest.
CHAPTER-IX
Having won control over his senses a peer among the practitioner of good governance of his kingdom, handled the kingdom of ‘Uttar Koshala’, (north Koshala) with much ability and distinction. He was as strong as Lord Kartikeya and as serene the ocean. The learned wise men used to say that there are only two person who rewarded fully those who performed their duties earnestly, one being Manu’s descendant King Dashrath and another being the overlord of the Deavas, Lord Indra. Dashrath was as mighty and glorified as the Devas themselves and as serene and composed as the ocean. He considered everyone alike. He rained wealth, like Lord Kuber, amongst his subjects. He never lied even in humour. He weilded his mighty Bows and arrows and mounted alone on this chariot to roam about on the earth spread about until the sea limits to govern his empire. Resounding like the thunder of the clouds, the oceans, the oceans hailed his glory.
Like Lord Indra cut-down the wings of the earlier flying mountains by his eternal armament the ‘Vajra’ Similarly Dashrath annihilated his enemies by his arrows. His Ayodhya the Ashtrachakra was no less than Lord kuber’s Alkapuri, his capital. There was no sluggishness in him, though being a ‘Chakravarty’ or all conquering king. Like the rivers emnating from the hills eventually get hold of the sea,, similarly form Koshal (South )’ Magadh and Caucasus of Kaikoys, the daughters of the respective kings Kaushilya, Sumitra and Kaikeyi had found King Dashrath as their husband. Dashrath with his three queens looked like as if Lord Indra himself along with his three eternal forces, Influence, enthusiasm, Inspiration and the Mantras has been incarnated to rule the world.
Dashrath had helped Lord Indra and had destroyed his enemies with his slings and arrows to drive away the fear element from amongst the women- folk of the ‘Devas’. He had performed big ‘Yagnas’.Going to the battle field mounting his chariot alone, leading even the fighting Lord Indra suppressed the dust cloud on the ASun God by the incessant stream of blood slain by him. By his clever governance, king Dashrath had accumulated much wealth, with which he benignly helped his subjects. As mighty as Lord Vishnu, as happy as the spring time and as handsome as ‘Kamadeva’ king Dashrath exhilarated and enjoyed that glorious spring- time, and yet he felt like going for hunting. And he set about on a hunting tour with the advise of his ministers. Hunting the deers, wilboars, bisons, antelopes, tigers, wild elephants, cheetals etc., one day while persuing a black-buck he got separated from the hunting group riding his horse away on the banks of river Tamasa, where the meditating holymen had made their abode in Ashrams, where someone was dipping his earthen water container in the river water. The king took it to be an elephant and aiming therein in that direction shot an arrow on the guidance of the sound made thereby. Suddenly someone yelled o’ my father ! Hearing this the king got duly alarmed. On nearing the scene of occurrence, there he saw a young sage bending on the water container with his arrow through his body. When the king asked for his identity, he told him that his father is vaishya and mother shudra, please take me to my blind parents. Then the king took the youngster and told them he had shot an arrow at him by mistake. On hearing this they began to cry and then asked him to withdraw the arrow from his chest. Immediately on withdrawing the arrow his life line was extinguished . And on this they put a curse on him that he too shall end his life in the sorrow of the absentee son/sons in his old age. The king said that I consider your curse to be a boon and a blessing in disguise because on this pretext I shall be blessed with a son after all these years. And the king spoke again that I am worthy to be killed by you, what are your orders for me? On hearing this the old sage said “Myself and my sife will give- up our lives with our son, therefore please arrange for the funeral pyre and the fire. The king arranged for the wood and the fire, at once. They found their way to the Heaven above by giving-up their lives together and the king over- whelmed by his black-deed returned to his home carrying on him the curse for the old age.
CHAPTER-X
As mighty and glorious as Lord Indra some ten thousand years had gone by since King Dishrath started to rule. But he had no children. Then in the supervision and primacy of sage shringi the holy-men started a son be-getting yagna. At the same time when the Devas deeply troubled by the serious antics of Ravana, when approached Lord Vishnu in ‘kshirsagar’, Vishnu got-up from the sleep induced by yoga. On the bed created by the eternal snake ’sheshnag’ ‘cusping and curling together his embodiment in order to create a resting place and a bed for Lord Vishnu , Goddess Laxmi was gently stroking the feet of the Lord taking it in her lap, while she was relaxed in the sitting position. Attired in golden dress the precious stone ‘kaustubh’ was shinning on his chest, srivatsa was being depicted on the eye- brows. Vishnu’s carrier Sri Garuda stood humbly with folded hands. All the Deavas wished salutation to Lord Vishnu and sang in his praise saying that like the precious- stones in the oceans, the sun-rays cannot be counted and the dust specks on the earth cannot be counted, similarly your benevolent characteristics by singing praise cannot be narrated. Delighted Lord Vishnu enquired of their well- being and reason of their arrival there. The Devas replied that these days demons have created great disorder all over. On hearing this he said, o’ pious Devas! Like the people in the world are overcome by Truth, Satya, Lively or Raj and vile or Tam, similarly your glory and might has been subdued by Ravana, therefore to destroy Ravans, it is mine and that of Lord Indras’s duty. One doesn’t have to tell the wind to help the fire raging, it does it without being asked. To pacify and placate Lord shiva he has severed his head from his body and made an offering of the same, nine times over on the feet of his, it is possible he has the tenth one left for my ‘chakra- sudarshana’ to severe it. The blessing of Lord Brahma has compelled me to tolerate his offerings like the sandle- tree tolerates the snakes climbing on it. When Lord Brahma was pleased by his meditation, then he asked for the boon of not being slain by any of the ‘Devas’. Therefore I shall be born in the household of king Dashrath to severe his heads with my slings of arrows and present to the earth. Now all of you proceed in the skies and go about your business without any fear or obstacle of Ravana’s ‘pushpak’, to your air- chariots. Like the clouds rain on dried-up fields of agriculture and go away, similarly satiating the Devas Lord Vishnu made himself vanish.
There in Ayodhya, the moment the son- begetting yagna of King Dashrath concluded, there appeared a person from the yagns’s fire- pit holding a golden- bowl of payasam a sweet preparation of milk and rice, in his hands. Like Lord Indra had taken hold of the nector-pot in his hands, when the ocean produced fourteen eternally valuable objects from its churning similarly King Dashrath took away the payasam – bowl from the hands of that eternal persona. Having received vishnu’s ‘kschir’ in the form of ‘ payasam ‘ king Dashrath distributed it half and half between Kaushilya and Kaikeyi. Again both of them, gave the half of their share to their darling co-wife ‘Sumitra’ As a result the three queens, conceived a part of Vishnu in their womb, for the purpose of correcting the wold-disorder.Although there is only one perception of Lord Vishnu, but like clear waters reflects many images of the moon, similarly they were present in wombs of the all the three queeen separately on their own accord. In the womb of lady Kaushilya, Sri Ram, in the womb of Kaikeyi, Sri Bharat, and from the womb of Sumitra, the twins of Sri Laxman and Sri Shatrughan were born. There was great rejoicing and fan-fare in the city of the Ayodhya an in Lanka, the precious stones fixed in Ravan’s crowns, fell off on the ground as if they were the tears of sorrow of the of the prosperity of the demons. On completing their baptism, the princes began to grow- up, and likened to wealth, prosperity, sexuality and salvation and began to be taught all spheres of education as celebates in the house- hold of sage Bashishtha.
CHAPTER-XI
One day sage Vishwamitra came to King Dashrath and said that for the security of my yagna, please send Ram with me. Though he had got Ram and Laxman after a great lot of penance in his old age, but propelled by the aura of the sage he sent away Ram- Laxman with him. Obeying the order of their father both the princes took their bows and arrows and followed Vishwamitra the sage. The king did not order for an army escort for their help, the benediction and blessings of the sage was sufficient. Till date neither of the two youngsters had set their foot outside their homes, therefore sage Vishwamitra taught them the art of survival in such a journey on foot by the effect of which they did not tire nor did they feel hungry or thirsty. Lakes adorned with lotuses around the Ashram and in the cool shadow of the trees the inmates were not so content as they become ever so happy on seeing the two princes.
on their way they came across demon Suketu’s offspring ‘Tadaka’ who had made the entire Ashram as deserted and forelorn. Whose devastations and antics was already related by sage Vishwamitra. On seeing her both the brothers positioned their Bows upright on the ground and drew up the slings On hearing the vibrations of it the big black and ugly Tadka as dark as a moonless night came and confronted them standing in front of them, and charged on Ram with a great uproarious sound. On seeing that Ram shed both the apathy towards female- slaying and the arrow from his Bow. The arrow sent by Ram pierced the breast to Tadka breaking it apart and she collapsed on the ground. At the same time Ravan’s capital lady luck and good fortune shivered. Pleased with the slaying of Tadka SriVishwamitra taught the demon- slaying eternal armament’s use with secret code (Mantras) and the weapon itself to Ram. Atter reaching the sags’s Ashram he slew many big demons. Ram had become such an expert in the use of the eternal armament that he would immediately draw the sling of his bow with ‘vayavya’ armament and threw Tadka’s son Marich away with that and killed demon subahu. Seeing the incredible might of Ram the sages praised him no end and sage Vishwamitra concluded his yagna as per the norms in the scriptures and blessed Ram and Laxman with sincere benediction and expressed his great affection by placing his palms on their heads.
Those very days, the king of mithila King Janak had organized a Bow- yagna, in a which he had invited the various sages, Hearing of a thing called ‘Bow-yagna’, Ram-Laxman expressed surprise and curiosity, therefore sage Vishwamitra tagged along both the princes as he started for the city of Mithila. After sometime, the evening fell and they stayed under the trees of that Ashram where Ahilya the wife of sage Gautam had turned into stone by the curse of sage Gautam. By the touch of Ram’s foot- dust, she turned into a beautiful woman. On hearing of the arrival of the sage, King Janak welcomed him along with the princes. The people of Janakpur on seeing the princes became over-joyed and filled with happiness. Vishwamitraji said o’ king these princes want to look at the great ‘Bow’. At this point Janakji was filled with gloom about his vow and started to repent the same. He thought that when such prince’s were there why on earth did I bring forward the obstacle of ‘Bow-yagna ‘. When in trying to lift this ’Bow’ many great kings returned with a loss of face, then how these kids can lift it up? Hearing these thoughts of Janakji the sage spoke, I know their prowess and why there is any need or speaking about it? Like the’Vajra ‘ is tested on that Bow. A small ‘Mantra ‘ or a speck of fire has a large potential hidden inside it. After- wards Ram, while others watched, lifting the Bow of Lord Shiva, stretched the chord so fiercely to the maximum that there came about a huge reverberation of sound. After that Sitaji put the garland in the Ram’s neck. By and by king Janak sent a message to King Dashrath to bring the wedding procession to complete the formalities of the marriage of Ram and Sita. Accordingly Dashrath arrived in Janakpuri with great enthusiasm. Both glorious kings together had the marriage of all the four brothers solemnized as per the scriptures, on their way back the procession met Lord Parashuram who handed- over his weapon the ‘parashu’ to Ram and proceeded for meditation. King Dashrath reached Ayodhya with sons and daughter- in-laws for whose sight the women- folk were very eager.
CHAPTER-XII
King Dashrath had enjoyed all the the pleasures of the world and was getting old. He decided to crown his eldest son Ram, the news of which crossed all bounds of the happiness of the populace of Ayodhya. But heartless Kaikeyi played such a game that Ram had to proceed to a life in wilderness. In the war between Devas and Asuras for having saved his life, she had kept in store two number of wishes of her’s to be granted by king Dashrath. Kaikeyi asked one wish to be granted was14 years of life in wilderness for Ram and other for granting kingship of Ayodhya for her son. Hearing this people‘s surprise was beyond mention. The expression on the countenance of Sri Ram was unchanged as it was at the time of his crowning, so was it while proceeding for life in the wilderness. To sanctify to words spoken by his father, he left for ‘ Dandak-van ‘ ‘s forest in the company of Sita and Laxman on the other end, King Dashrath breathed his last unable to reconcile the separation from Ram. Some ministers sent messengers to summon Bharatji from his maternal home. When Bharatji came to learn of his father’s demise and Ram leaving for life in wilderness, then he was so irritated and annoyed not only with his mother, but also from the Ayodhya’s grandeur and prosperity and set about with an army to look for Ram.
The inmates of the Ashram when pointed those trees under which Ram had stayed before proceeding further, then he was overcome with emotions and his eyes were filled with tears, which rolled by. Those days Ram was living in the forest of ‘Chitrakoot’.Going there Bharatji gave him the news of father’s passing aways and asked him to come to Ayodhya to take- over the rein of Ayodhya, but Ram did not deviate one bit from the resolve of his father. Eventually on the request of Bharat he handed-over his wooden foot-wear to him. Taking that Bharat returning set camp in Nandigram (outside Ayodhya ) and served to guard the kingdom of Ayodhya from there itself. This way showing great reverence in his elder brother and by refusing the kingship for himself he as if made penance for the wrong committed by his mother. On the other hand Ram along with Sita and Laxman carried on the vow eating roots, fruits and leaves of the jungle. Once Lord Indrs’s son Jayant (in the form of a crow )peeked on the feet of Sitaji, as a result of wahich he lost an eye. Later on reaching sage Atri’s Ashram Sitaji received a fire sermon on wife’s singular devotion to her husband from Ansuiyaji. Later when they reached panchvati then Ravan’s sister ‘Shuparnakha’ tuning into a beautiful maiden approached Ram and proposed to him to be her husband, then Ram said that he was already married, and she should approach his younger brother. Immediately she went to Laxman and started to scare Sita. Then Laxman slashed her nose and ears and made her ugly.Shuparnakha reaching Lanka provoked Khar, Dushan, Trishira and other demons. Ram killed them all with his arrows. Then Supranakha went to Ravan and began to wail there. Incensed with the insult of his sister Ravan had Marich turned into a mirage-deer and deceiving Laxman, abducted Sita and brought her to Lanka (cylone ). On the way great eternal vulture Jatayu was killed, fighting him. He gave the information that Ravan has abducted Sita.After performing his last rites when Ram proceeded further he met’Sugriva’ through the intermediary of Hanuman. After killing his brother Bali and making friends with him and with his help and cooperation Ram raised the Army of the monkey-humans and attacked Lanka. Finding Ravan on a chariot and Ram on foot, Lord Indra sent his chariot to him Ram climbed on the chariot helped on hoard by the extended hand of the chariot driver Matil. There was a fierce battle between Ram and Ravan. Finally Ram to kill Ravan put on his Bow that eternal missile ‘Brahmastra’ which never misses; which mowed-down all the ten heads of Ravana and dropped them all on the ground. Ram unleashed his Bow and Matil went back to ‘Swarga’ Ram handed over the kingdom of Ravana to Vibhishan and after purifying Sita in fire, took Hanuman, Sugriva,Vibhishan and Laxman etc. on hoard the pushpak aircraft and returned towards Ayodhya.
CHAPTER-XIII
After slaying the demon king Ravana, Maryada purushottam- the perfect one emblazoning dignity in human conduct-accepting purified by fire Sita, having installed Vibhishana brother of Ravana on the throne of Lanka, boarding air-chariot ‘pushpak’ with beloved consort Sita, brother Laxman, king of Apes Sugreev, disciple Hanumanji, gentle soul Vibhishan and the Apes and bear- warriors,. While on his way to Ayodhya, pointing out important sites made a lucid description of them to Sitaji Sri Ram first of all described the frothing sea being connected with his ancestors, shores of that sea, the wind and sky-way, then showed her the Dandya forest “ Dandyakaranya” where the meditating holymen, wearing only body- covers made of leaves of the flora, vacated the forest owing to the terror of the demons, then he showed her the place where he had found a jewellery worn on he feet and creeping vines shaking their branches, and by pointing their mouth to the south indicated direction in which Sitaji had been taken. Later Malayavan mountain and that pampa lake from where it is difficult to take your eyes off owing to the serenity of its water was described beautifully. There on the migrating cranes all over river Godawari, panchvati, Ashram, of sage Agastya who had dislodged king ‘Nahusha’ from the Heavenly abode, sage Shatkarni’s panchapsar named lake, sage Sutikshan and sage Sharbhanga’s Ashrams. Skycraping and strange Chitrakoot, pure River Mandakini, sage Atra’s peaceful meditating- place and the river Ganges brought thereby sagely Anisuiyyaji is described by Sri Ram. In the only amongst the holiest prayag’s literary and decorous narration of the confluence of Ganga-Jamuna rivers and then the living quarters of the leader of fishermen Nishardraj, Shringverpur’s introduction preceding a beautiful description of ‘Saryu’ river, originating from ‘ Mansarover’ lake under Holy Kailash, and playing the role of a child-maid; or a mermaid.
After the Sri Ram said, site right ahead of us the dust bowl rising on the ground which you can see, indicates that on the information of our coming relayed by Sri Hanuman to Bharatji, he is leading his army to welcome us. Like on my return after slaying the demon Khar-Dhushan, Trishira etc. in the battle, Laxman handed you over to me safe and pure, similarly Bharat will handover secure and without blemish the kingdom to me, who was away carrying-out the vow of the father.
Look Vaidehi; wearing fig-leaves dress Bharat walking on foot keeping priest Bashishtha ahead of him and the army behind, in the company of old and aged ministers holding a sacred water bowl in the hands is coming forward to welcome me. Despite being young he has lived like an ascetic for fourteen years in my love, affection and devotion, even after having received the kingdom from father. The moment Sri Ram stopped speaking thus, the pushpak propelled by his will suddenly landed on the ground from the sky above in the full sight of Bharat’s followers. Then taking hold of Sugreeva’s hand who was adept in serving Sri Ram, followed Vibhishan who had also guided the Pushpak, through ‘Sopan’ skyway, from which he alighted on the ground to salute dutifully sage Bashishtha the chief family priest, to accept the sacred-water bowl from Bharat, took him in emotional and tearful embrace and asked about the well-being of those ministers who kept slovenly and untidy appearances looking like a Banyan tree with bushy outgrowth because of the hairy growth on their faces for last fourteen years in the misery of separation from him, to console them and appease them, no end.
By and by Sri Ram introducing Sugreev an Vibhishan to Bharatji, they are my trouble-shooters in time of woes befallen on me, like my brothers at Arms, this is the king of Apes and Bears and this is Vibhishan who was always the first to strike on my enemies. Hearing this Bharatji greeted profusely both Sugreeva and Vibhishan before lovingly embracing Laxmanji, standing with head bowed down. Afterwards with the permission of Sri Ram Chandraji Sugreeva with outer apes adept in changing their identity rode on massive elephants as human beings to climb mountains and gain pleasure by doing so. At the behest of Sri Ram Vibhishan etc. climbed on fine chariots accompanied by camp-followers and servants. Thereafter, Sri Ramchandraji, with Bharat and Laxman boarded the will-power driven Pushpak-plane resplendent with flag-staff, as if in the conjunction of Buddha and Brihaspati, the worth looking at, the primate of the stars, the Moon rides on playful clouds full of lightening striking off and on. On the air-vessel itself Sri Bharatji bent down to touch the feet of Sitaji who was rescued by Sri Ram from the terrible clutches of Ravana, like the earth rescued by Adi Varah in the form of the boar, at the time of the great deluge. Having turned down the gestures of love from Ravana and becoming absolutely sacrosanct and fit to worship, devoted to one man only Sitaji’s pair of feets and follower of Ram the elder brother hence terribly hairy Bharatji’s head meeting together sanctified each other. After that the show-piece journey began.
Sri Ram in whose front Ayodhya’s subjects were moving, moved the Pushpak equally slowly and sedately for a mile to reach the tents decorated by Shatrughan to rest in them pitched in the beautiful gardens, with his family.
CHAPTER – XIV
After the night’s rest in the tent house in the garden of Ayodhya, Ram and Laxman, met their mothers Kaushilya and Sumitra and saw their world-weary and desolate embodiment after the demise of King Dashrath like a great shady tree having fallen down an two dried up creeping Vines barely surviving. Saluting in a proper order both the mothers saw the sons with tear-filled eyes in a haze, but could feel them with the son’s touch and pleasure derived, to know that it was them. The mothers wiped their tears of joy which were soothing and the warmth of the tears of despair. Afterwards they tenderly stroked the old wounds of Ram and Laxman received from the demons, as if they were the fresh ones and did not think it proper to be called the brave-mothers for Kshatriya’s women-folk. After that having caused much woes to the husband, without good-omen, falling on their feet, saying “I am Sita” to salute them both in equal measures. On this they said “O” sublime one; your husband along with Laxman could over-come the great suffering and hazards causing them because of the support derived from your upright and shining character.
After that old ministers celebrated with great pomp and show to Crown Sri Ram with the water brought from holy river Ganga and from other holy places, from which he turned more resplendent. By and by Sri Ram with band and music playing, entertaining and making the citizenry joyous entered the Capital Ayodhya and allotting houses full of all amenities to Sugreeva and other friends, entered the meditation room of his father King Dashrath adorned only with his replica, with tears coming incessantly from his eyes, and greeted and saluted Kaikeyi speaking diplomatically and softly to alleviate her discomfiture and shame. Thereafter, Agastya and other sages having arrived to greet Sri Ram were feted and honoured by him and then he learnt of the detail of Ravana’s birth and existence. After a fortnight Sri Ram had Sugreev, Vibhishan etc. feted by Sitaji and bid them farewell and dispatched Pushpak the flying machine to Lord Kuber. And got busy along with his brothers in good governance towards the happiness and welfare of his people. After sometime Sitaji conceived a child in her womb. When enquired of her pregnancy wishes by Sri Ram, then she expressed her desire to see the holy mediating places on the banks of Ganges. At that very time the spies reported of public-controversy about Sitaji and to alleviate controversy Sri Ram ordered Laxman to take Sitaji near the Sage Balmiki’s Ashram and leave her there. Accordingly, Laxman took Sitaji on his chariot with the subterfuge of visiting the ‘Ashrams’ and deboarded her from the chariot on the banks of river Ganges, and with great unhappiness in his heart told her of the orders of Sri Ram, hearing which Sitaji collapsed on the ground and lost her consciousness. Coming back to senses, on Laxman’s efforts Sitaji did not put any blame on Sri Ram for deserting her without any rhyme or reason of any wrong-doing on her part , but she began to curse her own destiny. Despondent Laxman fell on her feet, o’ great Aryan Lady! Do forgive my partaking in this act as I am a dependent to the sovereign, Get up Laxman! You may prosper and live happily. Please convey my best compliments and sincere greetings to my mother-in-laws and ask them to bless the child in my womb who is fathered by their son Sri Ram. And do not forget to convey my message to your elder brother. O’ king of All Alyoudhya, like all his subjects, he is duty-bound to look-after me also. That even after a test by the burning fire in front of all and sundry, in which I passed and stood the symbol of purity in Lanka and yet out of fear from a public- controversy and hoax to reject me is it justified and to what extent? And does it behove the dignity of the great dynasty to which he hails from? It looks like his rejection of the reigning deity of Ayodhya to proceed to the years in wilderness in my company had angered her so much that she could not tolerate my staying-put in the king’s palace. Now I shall confront the Sun-God and meditate that, again, I shall have him as my husband. Accepting the words of Sitaji, Laxman departed. And there after Sitaji began to wail in great desperation like the wailing bird ‘kurari ‘ ; which turned the entire jungle to pathos. The peacocks stopped their dancing, the trees shed their flowers and deers stopped nimbling on the grass in their mouths. Come out to collect the holy grass ‘kush’ and other articles for yagna, saga Balmiki following the sound of wailing came in front of Sita and addressed her o’ daughter ! From my yoga sight, I know Ram has left you disgusted with the hoax. You have arrived in your father‘s house living in another region. Your father-in-law Dahrath was a friend of mine and your father dispenses knowledge to all others and you are the foremost amongst those who are eternally devoted to their husbands. Live peacefully in this meditating Ashram, forever quiet with the presence of meditating monks. The upbringing of your child will be duly carried out with decorum. Go and bathe in river- Tamsa which dissolves the sorrow of those doing so and go about worshipping in temples, while staying with the daughters of the sages in the Ashram. Consoling her thus, taking Sita to his Ashram he put her up with the meditating a women in a small hut. Staying there with daughters of the sages, she began to pass her time with a regular time- table.
There in Ayodhya, Laxman related all the news to Sri Ram, hearing which tears started to roll-by from the eyes of Sri Ram, as he had sent her away from home and not from his heart.
By and by he got over the despair and stated to rule the people He did not marry again! Instead in the Horse- sacrifice yagna he had a golden replica of Sita placed at the Yagna-site to complete the Yagna. Hearing this it became somewhat easier for Sita to get- over the sorrow of her rejection from Sri Ram.
CHAPTER-XV
After rejection of Sitaji , Sri Ram did not marry any other woman. One day, sages form the banks of Jumuna came to inform Sri Ram that owing to disturbances from Lavanasur demon, our yagnas had to be stopped. Ram promised to alleviate their obstacles because he had taken birth on the earth for the defence of the religion. Ram gave the responsibility of the safety of the sages to Shatrughan when Shatrughan rode on the chariot, Ram blessed him and he started off by admiring the trees of the forests. There wasa platoon of army with Shatrughan which was really of no use like ‘Adhi’ upsarga in word Adhyan. On his way up, Shatrughan spent the first night in the ‘Ashrama’ of sage Ballmiki. Balmiki had arranged a fine welcome for Shatrughan, with the arrangement made through his yoga. The same night his sister –in-law living in Balmiki ‘s Ashram since her days in the wilderness, gave birth to two sons. Shatrughan was delighted on hearing the news. Next day, taking permission of the sage, with his folded hands Shatrughan stepped forward when he reached Madhuban town at that time, son of Ravan’s sister ‘Kumbhinasi’s son Lavanasur’ after killing the live-stock was returning to his city. Shatrughan thought that this was an opportune moment as he did not possess a spear in his hands. Shatrughan surrounding him, began to attack. On the other hand Lavanasur uprooted a tree and attacked Sri Shatrughan with it, while he turned it into splinters with his arrows. Then the enemy threw a great big rock on Sri Shatrughan which was also shattered into small pieces by yendra armament missile . Then that demon jumped on Shatrughan like a hurricane and he by striking him with vaishnav missile sent him to hell. After that Shatrughan felt that he was a real brother of Sri Laxman, slayer of ‘Meghnad’.
By slaying of Lavanasur’ the sages became overjoyed and blessed Shatrughan no end, and Shatrughan established a city called Mathura on the banks of Jamuna ,where there resided pious and happy people.
On the other end foreseeing with the help of Mantras Balmikiji being a friend of both Dashrath and Janak, performed the baptisation of both the sons of Sitaji with full rituals. At the time of birth of the elder son her labour pains were relieved by the hair of the cow’s tail and at the time of younger son by kush, therefore they were named ‘LAV ‘ and ‘KUSH’. When these children grew up the sage taught them the Vedas and its all subsidiaries and then had them sing his own creation the original poetry epic the ‘Ramayana’ . Both of them started to entertain their mother by singing the glorious songs praising Sri Ram. On his way back Shatrughan did not stop-by at Balmiki’s Ashram in order not to waste the precious time of the sage. Shatrughan proceeded directly to Ayodhya and saluted Sri Ram in the in the court- royal and related the entire happenings Sri Ram was duly impressed hearing all that and embraced Shatrughan to honour and welcome Shatrughan . On enquiry from Sri Ram no doubtShatrughan narrated all the details but did not mention about the the child- birth to Sri Sitaji, because Sri Balmikiji had asked him that at the right time he himself will deliver and hand-over the boys to Sri Ram .
After some time had passed a Brahmin putting down his dead son on his door- step began to wail inconsolably when Sri Ram enquired about the cause of his despair, then he felt very despondent because in the reign of the kings of Ikshawaku dynasty there was no untimely death. Saying so after recalling the pushpak air machine and riding it he set his path to conquer ‘yamraja’ the God of death, then there was a voice from the heaven, calling Sri Ram, there has accurred flaw in the caste manifestation in your kingdom , find it and get rid of it. On hearing it, Sri Ram started taking rounds of the earth and thus he came across a man hanging upside down from the
branch of a tree swallowing the smoke coming out of the fire down below . Then he asked him, “who are you and what is it that you are doing ? “ Then he replied. I am doing this to achieve the exalted position of Lord Indra. My name is shambuk and I am a ‘ shudra ‘ of the lowest caste in the caste manifestation. Then Sri Ram came to the conclusion that is a discord of piety by such unauthorised acts and that indeed is the cause of the untimely death of the son of the Brahmin. Therefore to stop his unauthorized act further he severed his head from an arrow. Getting the punishment from the king the ‘shudra’ achieved salvation of his soul and the son of the Brahmin arose from his death’s visitation. After a while Sri Ram let loose a horse for the ‘Horse- sacrifice yagna’. Sages and the kings and the learned teachers began to assemble. Completion of ‘yagna’ was not to be possible without the presence of a consort of the king and Sri Ram had not married again, so a golden statue of Sita was installed as the consort to start the ‘yagna’. The disciples of Sri Balmikiji and the twins of Sita, Lav and Kush started roaming around humming and singing the “Ramayana “ created by the sage, after taking the sage’s permission. As melodious as the songs from the throats of the super-tribe of Himalayas the Kinners, when the boys were heard by the people, the news of it reached the ears of Sri. Ram. He sent for the boys, and in the Company of his brothers, saw their beauteous selves and heard their melodious voices with wonderment. The full royal court was stupefied and spell-bound looking at Sri Ram and absolutely similarly cast in beauty, charm and coloration of the skin, the two boys, with rapt attention. The difference was only that they were young and dressed like people from the forest in fig. leaves while Sri Ram was a grown up man and attired in royal robes. The people were further astounded when they very humbly and subtly returned the gift given to them by Sri Ram. When he asked them as to who has taught you all this and who is the poet of this creation? Then told him the name of Sri Balmikiji.Then Sri Ram proceeded with all his brother to Balmikiji and saluted him, offering the entire kingdom of Ayodhaya on his feet, barring himself. The kind sage said to Sri Ram! These two singing youngsters are born from the womb of Sitaji and they are your sons. Now you should accept Sitaji back. Then Sri Ram said that o’ Sage, your daughter -in–law has been purified in the fire right in front of me in Lanka, but because of the vile- nature of Ravana, my subjects are not able to believe this. Therefore, should Sita agree to prove her sanctity before the subject, then with your kind permission I can accept her along with the sons. Hearing of Sri Rams vow., Balmikiji sent for Sitaji through the disciples. And in presence of the subjects assembled the next day, Balmikiji came forward with Luv . Kush and Sitaji in front of Sri Ram . on seeing her, everyone put his head down through remorse guilt and deep sense of shame that fo no reason they put a blotch on the character of this pious lady. Balmikiji spoke to Sitaji, o’ daughter, do erase the inhibitions of the people about you, in front of your husband. Accordingly with the Ganges- water, brought over by the disciples, in her hand Sitaji performing the ritual of ‘ Achman’ said if she has not violated her wife ‘s chastity by her actions, speech and thoughts , then o’ Goddess earth’ please take me in your cradle. On these words from her mouth the earth split apart and there appeared a shining glow of light like the lightening coming out of the earth. Sitting in its’ center on a throne the Goddess Earth took Sitaji in her lap and vanished inside back from where she had emerged. Somehow completing the yagna, Sri Ram set every one free to go. Sri Ram awarded the kingdom of Sindh to Bharatji. Bharat conquering over Gandharvas awarded his able sons Tax and pushkal, the areas of Taxila and pushkal.with Sri Ram’s permission, Laxman made his two sons Angad and chitra-ketu as monarch of Karapath. After completing all this, one day ‘kal ‘ came and met sri Ram alone and begged him to come back to ‘vaikunth. After that Ram appointed Kush as king of Kushavati and Luv as king of Sharavati. Then taking the holy fire started northwards after bathing in river Saryu in Gopratar, boarded on a flying machine to go to Heaven.
CHAPTER-XVI
Luv and other six Raghuvanshi braves chose the eldest amongst them Kush as their chief because love for a brother was family’s religion. One day at mid-night Kush had the hallucination of a ‘Lady ‘. Looking at her attire, it seemed her husband has gone away to some distant land. She came and stood before Kush with folded hands. Seeing her Kush enquired, o’ good lady, who are you?she replied , o’ King I am the city Goddess of Ayodhya. These days I am in such a despicable state, despite mighty rulers like you being around. In the absence of its master, the high buildings are in a state of both despair and disrepair and are crumbling down and a city as gorgeous as heavenly ‘Alkapuri’ my place of stay is looking desolate.The hutments on the banks of river ‘Saryu‘ are lying vacant and lonely. Therefore o’ King, like Sri Ram before you,you ababdon this capital and return to the capital Ayodhya, the capital of your dynasty also. When Kush acquiesced to her submissions, she disappeared. Kush related the strange episode of the night in a meeting handed-over Kushavati to veda-rendering Brahmins and departed for Ayodha with the Army. Departing from Kushavati the Army of Kush crossing Vindhyachal range of mountains, built a bridge on river Ganges with the help of their elephants and crossed-over. Kush saluted the holy river Gangaji because his ancestors and sons of King Sagar were sanctified by her water to pave their way to heaven.
In this way, Kush having passed sometime on his way, reached the banks of Saryu and then Ayodhya, where his ancestors after performing massive ‘yagnas’ had raised ‘yagna towers’. In the various gardens of Ayodhya, blooming tress, the cool water of river sarayu, and the flower scented wind-puffs from the gardens greeted Kush and his amy. Like on orders from Lord Indra, the clouds freshen-up the earth with greenery, similarly the masons and expert workers of Kush changed the face of Ayodhya. In the markets of Ayodhya, there were beautiful objects on display. That city looked so beautiful as if a beautiful lady, bejeweled and gracious was installed there. She looked as gorgeous as before . Living there the son of Janaki- Kush was so peaceful and content with happiness that he had no desire and inclination to become the Lord of the Heaven, full of eternally beautiful ‘Apsaras’ , neither did he wish to take- over heavenly ‘Alka-puri’, The lotuses in the lakes and ponds and chameli in the jungles around spread their fragrance seemed heavenly.
One day Kush felt like splashing around in the waters of river Sarayu with the accompaniment of women folk. And he got fully engrossed in water- sports. In the playfull mood. In the water splashings he could be compared to Lord Indra king of Devas splashing around in the ‘Akash-Ganga’ flowing in the heavens above in the company of the eternal maidens by name of Apsaras. Sri Ram had handed-over the jewel “Jaitra” to Kush at the time of his crowning, which was given to him by sage Agastya, during the water – sport that jewel fell –off in the water without any one getting aware of it. Kush asked the fisher folk to dive for it and find it out. Then the fishermen said to Kush, o’ Lord of Ayodhya ! it looks like the water serpent Kumud living in these waters has stolen it out of greed. Then infuriated Kush stood on the banks and straightened his Bow and put on the serpent destroying missile on it. At that moment the king of serpent’s tribe Nagraj Kumud appeared from the water keeping a fair maiden in front of him as if the eternal tree ‘ Kalpabriksha’ has emerged from water bringing Goddess Laxmi with him. He saluted the king and said, o’ great ruler, this girl of mine was playing with a ball and by her slap the ball went upwards when she looked-up looking for it, then she saw your this jewal coming down like a star. She, at once, caught hold of it. Please take her with you, she will be in your service, life long , she is my kid-sister, please accept her as your consort. Kush took his jewel and said from today you have become my relative. Later on sending for his relatives and family got them married with pomp and show and then on Kush began to rule Ayodhya.
CHAPTER-XVII
Like the human mind is refreshed early in the wee hours of before the day- break, similarly Kush was presented by Kumudani,a son named Atithi. Like the sun bathes the north and the south both by its purifying light and rays, similarly esoteric Atithi sanctified both the mother’s and father’s families. Kush, after the complete education of Atithi betrothed him with girls of royal house- holds. Atithi also was honourable and just like Kush , as well as brave- heart and victor over all the desires that men have Therefore Kush considered him as another version of himself. As per the custom of his ancestors, Kush too had gone to help Lord Indra in a warfare. He killed an invincible and formidable demon and ended his life honourably in that war. Like on setting down of the Moon, which brings about the blooming of Lotuses (or kumud ) on its rise, the moon-light fades away, similarly kumudini ended her life sitting on the funeral pyre along with kush . As per the orders of kush, when proceeding for war, the ministers appointed Atithi as their king . The ritual and purifying water falling on the head of Atithi looked like the falling on the head of Atithi looked like the Ganges falling on the head of Lord Shiva. Bathing with the water purified with Mantras the inner glow of his persona was intensified. After the ‘Abhishek rituals’ he gave away a lot of wealth to Brahmins. The deities in all big temples were decorated and worshipped and all of them blessed King Atithi . There was a big function organized during the Abhishek- ceremony. Like seeing the seasonal blooming of the trees one comes to know that the trees will produce a good crop of fruits, similarly seeing the happiness on the countenance of Atithi , the servants knew of big rewards and Atithi, leaving slumber aside ,worked for the welfare of the subject . whatever given away was not taken back. The possessor of dignified persona, beauty and wealth, automatically become drunk and undignified with over- confidence. King Atithi had all these, but not the element of show-off. He was a great politician. He could keep his confidence and revealed the secrets on completion of a deed. Like at the sun-rise nothing remains hidden in the open skies, similarly Atithi had spread out such a dragnet of spies that no matter of his subjects was a secret from him. Whatever routines are prescribed for a king for the day and the night, by the scriptures, all those were dutifully followed by King Atithi . his spy network was excellent and nobody came to know of any secrets. Whatever deeds he performed, they were all for the welfare of the people. He never had forsaken the religious conduct in pursuit of wealth and sexual gratification. He treated all the three of them with equal concern. He collected wealth for the reason of being able to give it away to the poor and down-trodden and spend it in the welfare of the people . By the great efforts of Kush the army that developed knowledge of missile war- fare was loved by Atithi like his own self. Like the precious stone worn by big snakes on their head that cannot be separated and removed from its head, similarly the enemies could not draw them towards themselves. He protected the sages meditating, saved the property of subjects from thieves. The way he was protecting these, the mother earth provided him with grandeur and wealth. The sea gave him jewels, the fields gave him grains and the forests gave him elephants. This way by all means excelling in politics he gained fine results from all his efforts, helped duly by the advise of his ministers. Looking at Atithi in the battle-field the enemy lost their confidence and courage and they flee away, saving their lives. Those approaching Atithi were paid handsome amount of wealth. Like the ‘Devas’ obey Lord Indra, similarly the kings on earth obeyed Atithi. Those Brahmins performing the Horse-sacrifice Yagna’ were paid-off like Kuber would do. Lord Indra provided timely rain on his Kingdom? Lord Dharmraj increased his religious assets, Yamraj stopped pestilence and Kuber filled his royal Coffers. This way all the performing deities happy with his might and grandeur helped him.
CHAPTER – XVIII
Destroyer or enemies King Aththi’s queen was the princess of Nishad Raj. Atithi fathered a son as strong as the mountain Nishadh from her, whom he named Nishadh. Like the timely rain falling on the agricultural fields gladdens the populace, similarly seeing the most virtuous prince Nishadh, King Atithi was overjoyed. Son of Kumudini, Atithi enjoyed the worldly pleasures for a long time, there after handing over the reigns of the kingdom to his sone Nishadh, he proceeded, on the merits of his pious deeds to enjoy the pleasures of Heaven. With lotus like eyes, serene as the Sea and having long arms like the streets of the City, incredible brave-heart Nishad also enjoyed the earth extending upto the seas. After him, his son Nal as glorious and as shining as the Fire itself, became the king. He was blessed with a son as dark as the sky called ‘Nabh’ who was as cherished by the people as the month of ‘Shravan’. Pious King Nal handed over the kingdom to that son of his and went away to stay in the forest in the company of deers and does. Nabh was blessed with a son called Pundrik. After his father’s passage to Heaven Goddess Laxmi taking him to be Lord Vishnu married him. That Pundrik handed over the kingdom to his son Kshemdhanva capable of looking after the welfare of the people and of cool temperament, and causing transquility upon himself proceed to the jungle to meditate. Kshemdhanva was blessed with a son called ‘Deoneek’ Performer of great Yagnas ‘Kshemdhanva’ hand-over the kingdom to a son much like him and took the steps to Heaven. Deoneek was equally respected and admired by both the friends and the foes. The name of Deoneek’s son was ‘Ahinag’. He never mingled with rowdy lot therefore abstained from all vices and ruled on the entire earth. And after the great conqueror of enemies left for Heavenly abode, his great son became the king of Ayodhya, who was blessed with a strong son called ‘sheel’.Sheel was blessed with a son called ‘Unnabh’ who was a peer among the kings; whose son was ‘Vajranabh’. He became the king of Heaven on the merit of his pious deeds. After him ‘Shankhar’ named son of his became the king of all the earth. After that handsome and glorious like the Sun, Ashwani Kumar became the king. His other name was ‘Vyupitashva’ also. He worshipped at Kashi Vishwanath and was blessed with a son called ‘Vishwasah’. His son was ‘Hirnyanabh’ whose son was ‘ Kaushalya’ name of his son was Vishishtha and Vashishtha’s son was ‘Shiromani’. He was blessed with a son called ‘Punn’ Punn’s wife gave birth to a son called ‘Pushpa’ who son was Dhruv-Sandhi, whose son was Sudarshan who was a mighty and glorious king. The ministers sent for picturers and married him to beautiful princess.
CHAPTER – XIX
Learned king Sudarshan, made his glorious like fire itself son Agnivarna the king and started living in ‘Naimisharyanaya’. There he drank pious water, slept on ground over a straw mat and abstaining even from fruits and roots for food started practicing Yoga on hibernation. Having succeeded the kingdom of Earth from his father, Agnivarna felt no difficulty in looking after it. For some time he looked after the governance of the kingdom, then having handed-over the same to his ministers, he started indulging in pleasures of flesh. Always present in new ways of fun-frolics and carousel he could not stay away from indolence and sexual gratification. He ways stayed in queen’s quarters. People were always anxious to have a look at him. That mighty king got fully engaged and devoted to beautiful women like the she elephant engages the bull-elephant in amorous advances. His lap had a place only for two things, a violin and the other a beautiful woman. Always on the look-out for a new material, everyday he indulged in, dances, singing and carousel and musical instruments and was sunk deeply into it. That king abandoning the governance of his kingdom, passed the various seasons enjoying the pleasures of senses. He having indulged so deeply in sexualities was still untouched by attacks from other kings on his kingdom. Like the moon got inflicted with tuberculosis by the swearing a curse by Daksha, similarly through over indulgence he too was inflicted with tuberculosis, which grew up gradually and his body became pale, he shed all his ornaments because of weakness. He had to take support of attendants shoulders even to walk from here to there. His voice became feeble; and he looked like a love-lorn man becoming so week and haggard. The king being afflicted with tuberculosis, the sun-dynasty was like the moon on the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight only one fourteenth are being visible, when the subjects enquired whether the king was suffering with some desease, then the ministers used to tell them that the king was busy performing son-begetting fastings therefore he was loosing his weight. Despite having many queens, the king could not see the face of son. Like the earthen lamp has no control of being kept lit against the wind, similarly the king could not be saved from the aliment. Conniving with the priests the ministers, on the pretext of alleviating the effects of the ailment, kept the dead body of the King on the fire in the courtyard gardens of the king’s palace, and the minister quickly assembled the leaders and with an unanimous decisions placed the main stream – queen on the throne who had shown signs of happy conceivement. The warm tears in the eyes of the queen after the sad demise of the King, and the warmth received by the prince in her womb cooled down on receiving the cool waters of the coronation – ceremony bathing. This way that Queen carrying her child in her womb, carried out the governance for the welfare of the people, with the advise and consent of the ministers for the sake of the well being of her people, whose orders could not be disobeyed by any one. According to Raghuvansha, it was the child borne out of the womb of this queen, who has been considered the last king of Raghuvansha.
Ayodhya in Mediaeval Period :
We are concerned with the myth of Ikshavakus, but at the same time after departure of the main line of their descendants the Raghuvanshies from Ayodhya, by kind consideration and designs of Gahadawals to their another eastwhile capital Kashi around 1194 AD or 1207 AD itself as per the bard-Banshi Kavi (and over-ruling his application of Samvat for Anno Domini). Indeed the focus of our story-tellign shifts to Kashi. But reading of stories of new theories of A.N. Chandra and of ‘Ashthachakra Ayodhya’ by M.C. Tiwari etc. we cannot leave Ayodhya by default as Ayodhya becomes equally important as much as Ikshwakus and Raghuvansies. So with the sackig of Jaychandra, Shihab-ud-din Ghori conquered Avadh and one Shah Juran Ghori said to have lived there as his tomb is located in Shah-Juran Ka Tila (Gazetteer, 1905).
The Sultans of Delhi:
One cannot pin-point the date as to when Avadh or Ayodhya became a provincial headquarter of the Muslim rulers in Delhi. One Minhaj Siraj, though, has given a list of the Governors of Avadh who were appointed by Delhi between 1206 AD to 1260AD. In this work he has written very clearly that during early Turkish rule, Avadh remained a stronghold of powerful Hindu Rajas from whom the governors of the Sultan could obtain only nominal allegiance. On the other hand these governors found this as a relief from the over-lordship of Delhi’s Sultans to consolidate their own strength and forces, locally and always tried to extend their territories eastward and on becoming stronger with their territorial gains, developed in stature and confidence, even to throw a challenge to the Sultanait in Delhi. Delhi resorted by changing the governors frequently. After around 1193 AD, Malik Husam-ud-din Ughulbank was appointed governor of Avadh by Sultan Qutub-udd-din Aibak, along with a mighty general Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji after being ignored by two successive Sultans in Delhi, who showed his Knowledge of army tactics operating between Avadh and Badaun. There is one outstanding name under the erarly Turkish Sultans who can be remembered for his feats of orignisationsl ability and valour, by name of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud son of Sultan Shams-ud-din Iltutmish appointed in 1226 A.D. He is the one who is credited of having subdued local Bhar rajas, who organized their forces to overthrow early Turkish invaders. There was a revolt in Avadh in 1236 AD against the successor of Iltitmish, Rukh-ud-din, by another son Malik Ghiyas-ud-din Muhammed who had succeeded his brother Nasir-ud-din Mahmud as the governor of Avadh. But when Razia Sultana ascended the throne in Delhi (1236 AD), she appointed Malik Nusrat-ud-din Taisi as Governor, who proceeded to Delhi to help Razia against her rebellious nobles, but died on the way. This brought Qamar-ud-din Quiran as his successor, who made many attacks on Tirhut and brought the rajas under control. In August 1245 AD Tughan Khan came as governor, and in 1255, Qutlugh Khan replaced him and married the mother of Sultan Nasir-ud-din (window of Iltitmish) Malika-i-Jahan, but moved to Bahraich. Qutlugh Khan marched in rebellion and killed Malik Bekti-mur, general sent by the Sultan at Badaun. The Sultan had to come himself to make him retreated to Bahraich. His successor in Avadh was Malik Taj-ud-din Irsalan Khan who also rebelled but was pardoned on intercession of Balban (Ulugh Khan). Tabqat-i-Nasiri comes to an end after 1260 AD. A great confusion prevailed in Avadh and according to Ziya-ud-din Brani” the roads had become poor and infested with robbers in the Doab and Avadh and all communications of the capital with the eastern provinces were severed” during the fag-end of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud’s reign, however with Balban ascending the throne the situation began to come under control. The severe punishment inflicted on the governors and high officials made them submissive. One of the governors in the early regime of Balban, Haihat Khan was flogged mercilessly and sacked for the crime of committing murder when drunk. Another governor Aitgin Mu-i-daraz Amin Khan was hanged at the gate of Avadh by Balban for having failed to suppress a rebellion .Tughril Beg and the Sultan had to come himself to Avadh and there he recruited an army and made arrangements for the Commissariat, military control over food supplies and the flotilla moved with the huge army to a place called Lakhnauti, in 1279 AD.
In 1287 AD Kaiqubad succeeded Balban, whose father Bughra Khan son of Balban Marched against the Sultan or against his own son. The two armies encamped in Avadh on the opposite banks of Ghaghra,, but due to intercession of nobles a reconciliation was brought about, like in the case of Ikshawaku and Vikukshi in its earlier days.
The severed head of Sultan Jalal-ud-din Khalji was sent to Avadh for public display by his nephew Ala-ud-din Khalji when he was governor of Avadh after replacing Malik Taj-ud-din Kuchi who had crushed the rebellion of governor Amir Ali Sar Jandar Hatim Khan and his accomplice Malik Chhajju in August-September 1290 AD. During the early stage of his reign Ala-ud-din assigned Avadh and Kara to Ala-ul-Mulk (historian Baani’s uncle but soon his bephews Malik Umar and Mangu Khan were made in-charge, but soon thought they rebelled against the Sultan, but they were captured and sent to him at Ranthambhor.
During the reign of Mahammad bin Tughlaq, Malik Ainul-mulk Multani was governor of Avadh and Zafrabad for a long time. He suppressed local and recalcitrant chiefs and ensured peace in the region. He was able to supply provisions to Delhi at the time of famine there. To ensure regular flow of supply from Avadh, Sultan camped in a village called Swargadwari in Farrukhabad, which made the governor suspicious and he rebelled against him in 1340 AD. According to Ibn-i-Battuta, who wasan eye-witness to the events,the Sultan was placed in a very difficult position, but the rebellion was quelled and Ain-ul-Mulk was removed from Avadh. His successor was a Hindu, Kishan Bazran Indri.
During the first expedition of Bengal in November 1353, Sultan Firuz Tughlag halted in Avadh. The Hindu Chieftens offered their allegiance to the Sultan. During his second expedition to Bengal in 1358-59, he again stayed in Avadh and marched from there to Zafrabad where, he founded Jaunpur. In 1376-77 Malik Husam-ud-din Nawa was appointed governor of Avadh and Sandila and after his death in 1377-78, his eldest son, Malik Saif-ud-din, became the governor. He served Firuz Shah till the end of his reign and then joined Sultan Muhammad Shah the younger son of Firoz Shah in April May 1389. There was a great confusion in Delhi Sultanait at the time of Firoz Shah himself and it eroded the authority of Delhi. In May 1394, Sultan Mahmud Nasir-ud-din Shah ordered Malik-ush-Sharq Khwaja-i-Jahan to proceed to Hindustan, which at that time meant the eastern regions of the Delhi Sultanait. He brought Kannaju, Kara, Avadh, Sandila, Dalmau, Bahraaich etc. under subjugation and founded the independent Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur. So our exercise of tracing the governorship of Avadh has not been in vain and it has given us a clue of the Sharqi dynasty and the origin of Janupur, which affected the life and living of the Raghuvanshi settlers in Katehar and even Dobhi in Jaunpur. Much can be made out about the circumstances which resulted in their (Raghuvanshies) living styles, although sent away by Jay Chandra in a magnificent gesture to an exile in the forests of Parganas Katehar and Dobhi, mainly in order to spare them the impending massacre at the hands of Turks and other tribes of an alien country and religions.
Under the Jaunpur kings, Avadh was administered in a better way than under the later Sultans of Delhi .The Sharqi rulers took pains to placate the local Rajas and Zamindars of petty fiefdoms, though functioning quite independently and having consolidated their position and strength to maintain peace and order in their kingdom. Mir Saiyid Muhammd Ashraf Jahangir Simnani author of Laitaif-i-Ashraf lived there in the reign of Ibrahim Shah Sharqi – (1401-1440 AD) from 1452 to 1480 AD Bahlul Lodi (the founder of Lodi dynasty of the Afghans) waged incessant war against the Sharqi dynasty Sultans, before ending their rule. Thus Avadh again became a part of Sultanaite of Delhi and was given by Bahlol to Kala Pahad Farmuli, but Sultan Hussain Sharqi kept on pounding on his lost empire from Bihar and both Jaunpur and Avadh remained in a turmoil till 1495,when Sikander Lodi was able to consolidate his empire upto Bihar. But his successor Ibrahim Lodi could not keep his sway on Afghan nobles. A civil war ensued with two sides taking-up arms led by two brothers, the sultan and his brother Jalal Khan. Jalal Khan held Avadh for a while, but eventually it came under Ibrahim Lodi.
The Mughals
Bayazid Farmuli held Avadh at the time of Babar's invasion and after he killed Ibrahim Lodi in the 1st battle of Panipat in 1526 AD. Babur accepted Farmuli’s surrender and Babur assigned him a portion of Avadh with a large amount of revenue. But soon he rebelled against Babur. Babur went eastwards in 1528 to chastise him, and asked Chin Timur Sultan to proceed there and crush the rebels. Bayazid escaped to Ghazipur. Babur himself reached Ayodhya and stayed there for a few days and was highly pleased with the “gardens running water, well designed buildings, trees, particularly mango trees, and various birds of coloured plumage” He appointed Baqi Tashqandi, the governor of Avadb, who did well in bringing under control the Chieftens of the locality around Ayodhya Baqi built a mosque in Ayodhya in 1528 A.D. The inscription inside the mosque gives the date of construction of the building in the last line and is as follows:
“Ba farmuda-i-Shah Babur kiadla
Bina ist ta Kakh-i-gardun mulaqi
Bina kard in muhbit-i-qudsiyan
Amir-i-Saadat-nishan Mir Baqi
Buvad Khair baqi-chu Sal-i-binaish
Ayan shud ke guftam-Buvad khair baqi”
By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is an edifice reaching up to the very heights of the heavens: The good hearted Mir Baqi built this alighting place of angels Buvad Khair baqi (may this goodness last for ever:). The year of the building it was made clear likewise when I said, Buvad Khair baqi(=935)
Humaun succeeded Babur and his campaigns against Gujrat and causing prolonged stay away from the capital, let loose a spate of troubles in the eastern region of his empire. Muhammad Zaman Mirza, Sultan Mirza and, Ulugh Beg Mirza rebelled in the eastern districts. Ulugh Beg Mirza and his sons captured Avadh and tried to occupy Jaunpur and Kara Manikpur. Hindal, the younger brother of Humayun, immediately left Agra and hastened east to crush rebellion, but the Mirzas banded together and prepared to oppose him near Ayodhya. Ulugh etc. fought well but were defeated.
Avadh again came under Afghans after the over-throw of the Mughals by Sher Shah who was responsible for erecting a mint, which carried on making coins even after him.
Avadh and the eastern regions of the empire remained in a turmoil during the early years of Akbar. In 1564-65 Avadh is mentioned as a Jagir of Sikandar Khan Khan-i-Alam while Ibrahim Khan uncle of Ali Quli Khan-i zaman, held surhurpur (now in Akbarpur). They rebelled in concert with Khan-i-Zaman but Akbar came and suppressed them personally. In 1566 Khan-i-zaman was pardoned but rebelled again. Ayodha was held on his bebalf by Sikander Khan who was besieged there in the fort in 1567 by Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, Raja Todar Mal and other nobles of the imperial army. On account of the defeat and death of Ali Quli Khan and the presure of the besiegers. Sikander Khan fled towards Gorakbpur. The Sirkar of Avadh was assigned to Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas in 1567 and Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan, the governor of eastern districts returned to Jaunpur. Muhammad Mohsin Khan founded Akabarpur.
The eastern region of the empire remained tranquil and no mention is found of Avadh in the contemporary history. In 1580-81 Wazir Khan of Herat was appointed governor of Avadh. Abul Fazl says, “As that province was without a great officer, His Majesty ordered that the peasantry and soldiers should be succoured. He went off in the end of the month, and many choice servants and soldiers accompanied him. In 1580 Tarsun Muhanmad Khan was appointed governor of Jaunpur in place of Masum Khan Farankhudi ,who bad become rebellious and had to be transferred to Avadh, althougb he did not change and Arab Bahadur, Niabat Khan and other dissatisfied nobles joined him. Shahbaz Khan, governor of Bihar was sent for to bring them to submission, but Shabbaz Khan was forced to retire to Jaunpur but Tarsun Muhanmad Khan surprised the rebels and forced them to flee. Again with Shahbaz Khan he forced Masum Khan to flee towards Siwalik hills. Peshran Khan (darogha of the farrashkhana) received the governorship of Avadh in place of Masum Khan, but he too soon rebelled and fell in disgrace. In 1582 and following years, Army of Avadh under Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka was sent to suppress the rebellion in Bihar and Bengal.
In 1586 the system of appointing two amirs as the governor of a province was started so that at least one could remain actively engaged in the administration. Consequently Avadh was assigned to Fateh Khan and Qasim Ali Khan; Mulla Nazir and Tara Chand were attached as Dewan and Bakhshi (accountant). Fateh Khan died in 1589-90. In 1594-95 a new experiment was tried and a vizir was appointed in each province. Kansur or Khanaur was appointed vizir in Avadh. Akbar systematically divided his empire in provinces and administrative arrangements introduced by him remained for long. After that references to Avadh became very scanty in contemporary chronicles. William Finch, the English merchant who traveled through the Mughal empire (1608-1611) says that Avadh is a citie of ancient note, and seat of Potan kings, now much ruined: the castle built four hundred years agoe. heere are also the ruins of Ranichand (Ram Chandra) castle and houses which the Indians acknowled(g)e for the Great God, that he took flesh upon him to see the tamasha of the world. In these ruines remayne certain Bramenes, who record the names of all such Indians as wash themselves in the river running thereby, which Custome, they say, hath continued foure lackes of yeeres (which is three hundred ninetiefoure thousand and five hundred yeeres before the worlds creation). Some two miles on the further side of the river is a Cave of his with a narrow entrance but so spacious and full of turnings within that a man may well loose himself there, if he takes not better heed; where it is thought his ashes were buried. Hither resort many from all parts of India, which carry from hence in remembrance certaine graines of rice as blacke as gun-powder, which they say have been preserved ever since. Out of the ruines of this castle is yet much gold tryed. (Mentioned in Ain of Blochmann and Jarret's translations) Here is great trade and such abundance of Indian asse-horne (Rhinoceras horn) and they make bucklers and divers sorts of drinking cups. There are these hornes, all the Indians affirme, some rare of great price, no jewell comparable, some esteeming them the right unicornes horne."
In 1621 Baqir Khan Nazim Sahi was appointed governor of Avadh and he rendered valuable service to Jahangir in resisting the rebel prince Khurram (Shah-Jahan). Mirza Khan Manuchehr, a grand son of Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khanan, was appointed governor of Avadh in the tenth year of Shah Jahan's reign.In the twenty sixth year of his reign Shah-Jahan appointed Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman Shah Nawaz Khan governor of Avadh and also assigned to him Gorakhpur and Bahraich. He remained in Avadh for five years and was succeed by Shafi-ullah Tarbiat Khan Barlas who was soon recalled to the Capital owing to the war of succession which had started there. Iradat Khan Mir Ishaq was appointed Fauzdar of Avadh in 1658 the first year of Aurangzeb's reign. On his death Azim Khan Koka was appointed, who was succeded by Shah Quli Khan who died in Ayodhya in the tenth year of Aurangzeb's reign. Therenot who traveled in India in 1666-67, was informed that there were many rajas who did not own the authority of the Great Mughal and that there were two "Pagodas of great reputation in Ayond” In 1670 Terbiat Khan was again appointed governor of Avadh in place of Fidai Khan. Saadat Khan succeeded him in 1675 and was 1ater replaced by Namdar Khan. Khwaja Mir Khafi Salahat Khan was appointed Subedar in 1684 but shortly afterwards Namdar Khan was re-appointed to succeed him. In Feb. 1690 Himmat Khan (Son of Zafar Jang Kukultash was appointed Subedar of Avadh and 'Fauzdar' of Gorakhpur, In 1694 new appointments and transfers were made again. Askar Khan Succeeded Himmat Khan in October 1694 to remain till 1698 and was replaced by Zabardast Khan. Khuda Banda Khan Bayutat received the governorship in October 1700. In December 1703, Shamser Khan was made governor of Avadh, probably called Moazzamabad Avadh at that time. He was succeeded by Mirza Khan-i-Alam who died in July,1706, and Abu Nasar Khan (son of Shaista Khan) obtained the govership of Avadh in the same year.
According to the author of Khulasat-ut tawarikh the province was famous for its excellent rice and extensive cultivation." In the environs of Ayodhya, gold was obtained by sifting dust. Fish was speared by men in boats on the Sai river." In 1712 Bahadur Shah the emperor appointed Mir Qamar-ud-din, Subedar of Avadh and Fauzdar of Lucknow and also conferred on him the title of Khan-i-Dauran Khan Bahadur in the same year, but shortly afterwards he resigned.
In the reign of Jahandar Shah, the government of Avadh was once again conferred upon Mir Qamar-ud-din Khan-i-Dauran, who enjoyed the position only for a short time till the first year of Farrukh Siyar's reign (1713 AD) when Muhariz-ul-MUlk Mir Mohammad Sarbuland Khan Dilawar Jang was appointed governor. He was soon recalled to the Court. In 1719 Girdhar Nagar, nephew of Chhabila Ram, was made governor of Avadh with very extensive powers. He remained in office till the dovmfall of the Saiyid brothers of Barha. The coin struck in the mint of Avadh during the reign of Muhammad Shah had the words Avadh and Akhtarnagar inscribed on them. The end of Giridhar Nagar's governorship in September, 1722, saw the decline of Avadh and it soon became a bone of contention among several local chieftains. It was his successor, Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk, who in the reign of Muhammad Shah, was able to maintain peace and order in Avadh and thus extended his power considerably.
The Nawabs (1720-1856)
The founder of the ruling dynasty of Avadh, Mir Muhammad Amin, entitled Saadat Khan Burhan-ul- Mulk, traced his descent from the seventh Imam of the Shias, and was a native of Nishapur in Khursan. In 1708-09 he migrated to India. In July 1710, he entered the service of Sarbuland Khan, fauzdar of Kara-Manikpur in Allahabad, and resigned 1712 due some misunderstanding. From 1713 he remained in the service of the Emperor Farrukh Siyar. On October 6, 1719, he was made the faujdar of Hindaun Bina by the next Emperor, Muhammad Shah. He had taken part in the intrigue connected with the over throw of Saiyid brothers who had sought to replace Muhammad Shah by Muhammad Ibrahim. In 1720, as a reward for his services, he was given the title of Saadat Khan Bahadur as also the governorship of Agra from where he was transferred to Avadh in 1722.
At that time the Subah of Avadh was dominate by semi-independent and powerful zamindars and rajas who possessed their own armies and strong brick or mud fortresses. In the early stage in 1723 when Raja Mohan singh of Tiloi refused to surrender the parganas he had seized, Saadat Khan proceeded to crush his power and in the contest Raja Mohan Singh died and his army fled from the field in panic and Saadat Khan got back the parganas. The city of Lucknow, which was in the occupation of the Shaikhzadas, was captured by him in 1722. In 1725 Saadat Khan started suppressing the other chiefs of Avadh (like the Bais and Bisens) and his success here as well as in other parts of the empire enhanced his prestige and established his reputation. He then carried out a fresh revenue settlement, which enhanced the revenue income of the province. For these services he was presented by the emperor with the 'Mansab' of 7000 and honored with the title of Baurhan-ul-Mulk. When Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1738-39, Saadat Khan was summoned to its defence by the emperor, but soon after the capute of Delhi by Nadir Shah, Saadat Khan died on March 19, 1739.
Saadat Khan resided chiefly at Ayodhya where at Lakshaman Ghat, he built his official residence and called it Qila Mubarak. He had a well-equipped and huge army better than most others. His victory over Marathas at Jalesar in April 1737 was considered a great achievement. Till that time city of Faizabad was not founded. The Nawab used to have his court held in ‘keorah’ jungle on the banks of Ghaghra in tents, which got converted into military cantonment . He had a shooting –box (bangla) constructed raising a mud wall all around with a bastion at each corner as in a Fort. This enclosure was large enough to accommodate all the cavalry, infantry and artillery in mud houses. After his death, this same place came to known as Faizabad; and the headquarters of the government got transferred here and it continued to be called ‘bangla’
Saadat khan was succeeded by his nephew and son-in-law, Mirza Muhammad Muqim (Abul Mansur Khan Safdarjang), who had already run the Government, when Saadat Khan used to be away in Delhi. After Saadat Khan’s death he offered two crores of rupees to Nadir shah to have his ‘subedari confirmed by Muhammad Shah. He was also given the rank of mir –i –atish (Grand master of artillery ) and was made ‘vizir’ of the empire on the death of Nizam –ul-mulk and was heaped-upon with titles and honours. Safdar Jang was the real founder of Faizabad city. Atma Ram was his dewan whose sons laid-out a long bazaar to the west of Saadat Khan’s enclosure (near Delhi Darwaza). Ismail khan a risaldar, built the market known as Ismailganj, and several other houses were built by rich traders and Mughal chiefs laid-out beautiful gardens. But safdar Jang was often away at Delhi. Taking advantage lof the Government change, the new Raja of Tiloi tried to regain his independence, lost in 1723, but was defeated by Safdar Jang in 1739 November. In 1741 Nawal singh Gaur of Katesar (Sitapur ) also revolted but could not succeed against huge army of Safdar Jang. The raja was restored of his territory after tendering submission.
Safdar Jang’s most trusted deewan was Raja Nawal Rai, who was killed in khudaganj on August 13, 1750 with an engagement with the troops of Ahmad Khan Bangash, the Nawab of Farrukhabad. Avadh felt the turmoil of Bangash chief’s incursions. Shortly before his death Safdar Jang lost his office of vizir at Delhi, loosing favour of the emperor. He had cancer of the leg and died on October 5, 1754 and buried in Delhi with a beautiful mausoleum on grave. New Delhi airport was named as Safdar Jang airport, in the present days.
His son Suja-ud-daula, whose name we have seen in our discourse of the Benares region, with the John Company and Raja Balwant singh etc., succeeded him and made Faizabad his capital, so the readers of Raghuvanshies in Benares will see that our dealing with the Avadh rulers has a direct bearing on the goings- on in Benares region, other than the interest of people like me in the Nawabs of Lucknow and of scanty knowledge of the history of Faizabad and Lucknow also vis-a-vis Benares and ninety-six parganas, which include Katehar and Dobhi. Similarly we are informed of the Jaunpur sultanaite of Sharqi dynasty where Maharaj Rai Chan Singh Judeo visited to show his valour to a sharqi ruler with ‘Shah in his name or ‘Jahan’ in his name, which had our bard confuse him for Shah Jahan, as the zamindari rights of ‘Bayalasee’ pargana could be granted by only a Sultan of Jaunpur and Delhi had no direct say or authority of doing so,directly,so to say.
When Emperor Alamgir II was murdered in 1759, his son Shah Alam II fled for his life and took refuge with Shuja-ud-daula. When Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded India in 1761, at the invitation of Najib-ud-daula, the Rohilla chief, Shuja-ud-daula was won-over to their side. But soon after the defeat of the Marathas in the battle of Panipat, he realized that he had made a mistake in joining the Afghans.After this battle, when the Emperor was returning from Bihar ,having been routed by the British, he was received by Shuja-ud- daula in sarai saiyid Razi on July 19, 1761. The Emperor appointed Shuja up-daula vizir of the empire on February 15th, 1762, the later finally regaining the high post his father had lost.
After sustaining a series of defeats at the hands of the British, Mir Qaim, the Nawab of Bengal took refuge with Shuja-ud-daula who espoused his cause. Shah Alam was secretly corresponding with the British who were keen on creating discord between he emperor and the vizir and wanted Shuja-Ud-Daula to hand over Mir Qasim to them. However it is a sad commentary that the combined forces of Mir Qasim, Shuja-Ud-Daula and Shah Alam II, where Raja Balwant singh was calculatingly on the side of the British; were defeated by the British at Buxor on October 23rd, 1764. Shah Alam at once cast his lot with the British and went on to issue a proclamation divesting Shuja-Ud-Daula of all authority and status. But the latter refused to come to terms until the British had marched on Lucknow and Allahabad and all Avadh was at their mercy. On August 16,1765, Shuja-Ud-Daula was eventually compelled to enter into a treaty “for perpetual and universal peace, sincere friendship and firm union” with the East India company. Clive restored the districts of Avadh to Shuja-Ud-Daula on consideration that “every motive of sound policy be weighed against extending the territorial possessions of the company.” He thus strengthened Avadh as a buffer state between Bengal & Northern India. Kara and Allahabad went to Shah Alam II. Shuja-ud-daula paid fifty lakhs war-indemnity and even Avadh was drawn in the meshes of the company.
In 1765 Shuja-Ud-Daula finally made Faizabad his residence. He built anew, on a grander scale, the walls of Saadaat Khan’s old citadel. A deep trench was dug on each side of the fort leaving enough room for his retainers and soldiers between the trench and the fort. Two large walls were built for the defence of the cilty. Troops were posted around the clock on the top of the walls. The city wall which was completed before 1772 was of mud, but 30 ft. thick and 15 ft.wide on top. Shuja-Ud-Daula’s new mud-fort and palace, standing on the banks of the Ghaghara, were still under erection in January, 1733 and said to have employed 40,000 men and women daily. The walls of the new fort were sixty feet. Thick and so well compressed “ that elephants made no impression with their feet”. A grand market Chowk Bazar, extended from the southern gate of the fort to the Allahabad gate of the city, and was so broad that ten carts could run abreast. There was a Tripolia at the entrance beautifully arched and tall. A visitor to the palace had to pass through the Chowk Bazar and Macpherson, who visited Faizabad in 1773, was struck by the breadth of the streets but he noted that the houses on either side were of indifferent construction.” There were three well–laid out flower and fruit gardens within the walls. Anguri Bagh inside the fort, Moti Bagh in the heart of the Chowk Bazar and Lal Bagh the largest and most beautiful just outside the fort. Aish Bagh and Buland Bagh on western outskirts.
His army had 80,000 regulars in red coats and 40,000 irregulars in black coats ,the chief commander was Saiyid Ahmad, known as Bansiwala. The chiefs of the cavalry were Nawab Murtaza Khan Barij and two Gossains, Himmat Bahadur and Umrao Giri. After Buxor fiasco the Mughals were sacked as unreliable and Rajputs, and other Hindus and Musalmans were recruited in their places. Gentil (Frenchman ) Aratoon (the Abyssinians) were commissioned to frame rules and regulations for the traing and organization of his artillery, An arsenal was established in Faizabad with Guns muskets, and field artillery of good caliber and latest design, under the French officers. So efficient was the artillery that it filled the E.I. Company’s officer in Bengal with apprehensions about their superiority. He had a trained dragnet of spies and had some 22000 Messengers, Ghulam Alli, author of Imad-us-Sadat, estimates the total member of harkaras (couriers) at 18000. So effectively the department worked that news from Pune reached Faiabad on the ninth day and from Kabul on the twelfth. He spent Rs.2,16,000 annually on this important service. Faizabad attained great prosperity and traders from Persia, Turan, China and Europe frequently visited the city with their costly wares and disposed it off earning profit.
The East India company carried-on the policy of maintaining Avadh like a buffer state, like they had used Balwant Singh and Chait Singh’s Benares region as a buffer estate between Avadh and Bengal and themselves, gradually usurping the buffer, between themselves and the Marathas and other invaders who could be kept at bay by the Nawab, while the C-ompany troops were being rushed to Nawab’s assistance. The British never liked that Shuja- Ud-Daula should become so powerful to be a menace rather than a bullwork of defence. They got alarmed and set about creating limitations to his military hardware, so that it would enable him to maintain law and order within the territory and leave Avadh strong enough to serve them as a buffer against outside aggression. This led to a fresh treaty on November 29, 1768, when Shuja- Ud-Daula agreed but with great reluctance to limit his troops to 35000 men.
At the time of Hastings assumption of the governorship of Bengal, the East India company was facing a severe deficit. As the districts of Kara and Allahabad which Hastings had taken back from Shah Alam II were proving to be ruinously expensive. Hastings made them a source of profit by handing them back to Shuja- ud-daula on payment of sixty lakhs of rupees. To consolidate the deal a new treaty was concluded at Benares on sept. 7, 1773 by which Shuja- ud-daula agreed to have the Company’s Resident stationed at his court. Al though this acquisition added to the revenues of Avadh, it also increased Shuja-ud-daula’s reliance on the British which in its’ turn intensified the friction between Shuja- ud-daula and the Marathas.
In 1774, being unable to recover from Rohillas, a sum of Rs.40 lakhs (in lieu of the aid rendered by him in expelling the Marathas from Rohilkhand). Shuja- ud-daula paid to the British this very sum and with the help their troops destroyed the Rohillas and annexed their territory to Avadh.
With Asaf-ud –daula as new Nawab vizir great changes took place in the politics of Avadh. According to kamal-ud-din Haider he transferred his capital to Lucknow seven years after his accession. Faiz Bakhash in his ‘Tarikhh-i- Farah Bakhsh’ is, however, not clear on this point, but it could have started from the very first year of his accession. William Hoey in his translation of the above work says “All the equipments and surroundings of wealth and grandeur were by degrees transferred to Lucknow, and the cantonments and workshops, and elephants and bullocks, and everything connected with government and the state, gathered there. The market for the camp followers, troops and all servants of the Government old and new, left Faizabad and went to Lucknow.”
In his reign, the East India Company began to interfere actively in the affairs of Avadh. Te Nawab vizir was informed that the treaties between his father and the Company were no longer binding and he had to enter in to Treaty of Faizabad, on may 21, 1775, which took the form of defensive alliance, the main result of which was deprivation of considerable portion of his revenue.
As he could not meet the demands of East India company, he turned to the wealth Shuja –ud- daula had left with his mother, Nawab Begum and his wife Bahu Begam (Asaaf-ud-daula’s mother), who eventually consented to gives him thirty Lakhs of rupees and grant him a loan of twenty six lakhs, provided he did not pester her again and she may be left to her Jagirs and property. Later on Bahu Begam was found complaining of violation of John Bristow’s guarantee on behalf of the Company . Things in Avadh kept on deteriorating, Mukhtar-ud-daula, the vizir was murdered and a man of Hastings choice, Haider Beg khan was made vizir. By 1777 the Company, in order to undermine his prestige, asked him to increase the expenses to ones and a half crores of rupees, without any need for doing so, by adding an additional brigade. In 1778 Asaf-ud- daula asked the company to dismantle this unnecessary brigade and tyranny and oppression of its European military officers and complained of perpetual exactions on the part of the Company. After Asaf-ud-daula met Hastings personally at Chunar on September 19, 1781, this request was heeded to. It was also decided that the agreements with the Begums was no longer valid and that the Nawab was to be allowed to confiscate all their personal Jagirs and to seize the the large treaure left by his father, provided Asaf-ud-daula gave seventy lakhs to the company. Thus company had squeezed two crores and thirty lakhs of rupees from the Nawab in last nine years. In the impeachment of Warren Hastings by the British Parliament, the inhuman treatment of the Begams of Avadh by him was a huge charge against him. As pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru has written with a rare state of anger in his otherwise stately Discovery of India, what better measure of the Company‘s misrule than its contribution to the English lexicon-the Hindustani word ‘loot’. There Is good book come –out by the British historian Nick Robins who takes an unsparingly critical stand. He tracks the East India Company, from their merchants landing in Surat in 1608 not as conquistadors with flags and drums but as commercial supplicants who went form strength to strength using all the tricks crafts and wiles and open treachery of unscrupulous and horrendous proportions in order to obtain unprecedented tax-holiday in 1717 from Moghul Emperor, monopolistic rights , even no other British merchants, leave alone other European merchants were allowed to trade from Indian ports, mergers and creeping acquisitions (annexations through warfare, forgery and guile) and the free-for-all of capitalism (mercantilism as it was then, called). Nick Robins is singular in his purpose of informing to convince that the East India company was a blackguard of the deepest dye, at variance with the renewed romanticism of East India Company is being honoured as the peers of the now- flowing global trade . the EIC, Robins reminds was a “rump of unconstitutional power”. The Company should be judged for its role as defacto government of India , a responsibility it grievously abused. Indian who remember British rule with vestiges of love-for the the Railways the English language, the administrative machinery-he points out that most of this institution- building took place in the post Company phase, when public works replaced plunder-to rule of Vctoria from that of the John Company, who had grown up from a trading post in Surat since 1608 to become a virtual government of India and several generations enjoyed shaking the pagoda tree, until it was finally sent packing,250 years later by the British Crown. The company rule for the most part was distinguished by plunder, human rights abuse and systematic extortion, resulting in a crippling famine and a bloody insurrection. In particular it is remembered with horror for being the white leech that bled the wealth of Bengal, beggaring it to beyond description in John Company and the lavish Nabob life style of its petty clerks so appalled those in the home country that in the early 1800s, the leading utilitarian thinker Jeremy Bentham proposed to the British Parliament that two statues be raised in London-one of the corrupt Governor general Warren Hastings, and another beside him , of a “long robed accomplice lodging a bribe into his hand. It indicated th open contempt in which the Company’s men were held; not least by a young Karl Marx, who went on to write his seminal history of the “ First war of Indian Independence, as per Nina Martyrs.
Asaf-ud- daula was unable to pay seventy lakhs to Hastings, and Hastings instructed Middleton the Resident not to allow any negotiations or forbearance until the Begams were at the entire mercy of the Nawab, their Jagirs in the quiet possession of his ‘amils’ and their wealth in such charge as might secure it against private embezzlement”. And Hastings insisted on payment of all debts on the Nawab. When the Nawab appointed his own amils to take charge of Bahu Begums Jagirs, she strongly resented that and wrote letters to the Resident. She said “should the country be lost to me it shall be lost to all. I give this intimation. Note it”. Inspite of all this the Resident sent a regiment to support the amils in the execution of Nawabs commands and the Nawab announced his intentin of proceeding to Faizabad to demand his father’s treasure.
In the fist week of January, 1782 British detachment were marched to Faizabad to support the Nawab’s troops. The fort was captured and the two eunuchs, who were the stewards of the Begum, were forced to part with the treasure and by January 28, 1782, the Nawab had taken possession of most of the treasure and had begun to pay-off the fines imposed on him by the John Company.
The spoliation of the Begums of Avadh formed one of the charges in Hasting’s impeachment in England. According to the prosecution his conduct was criminal. Alfred Lyall says, “The employment of personal severities, under the superintendence of British officers, in order to extract money from women and eunuchs, is an ignoble kind of undetaking……to cancel the guarantee and leave the Nawab to deal with the recalcitrant princesses was justifiable, to push him on and actively assist in measures of coercion against woman and eunuchs was conduct unworthy and indefensible.”
Hastings later tried to make some unsuccessful attempt to reorganize the administration and finances of Avadh. Middletion was removed from the post of Resident and Bistow appointed in his place, who ordered the withdrawal of Company’s regiment form Faizabad.
After the death of Asaf-ud-daula Bahu Begam contemplated claiming a part in the management of Avadh and was encouraged by Hussain Raza Khan, Raja Tikait Rai, Almas Ali and others. The Begum’s request that the private treasures of Asaf-ud-daula be examined in the presence of some of her own people was not acceded to by the British over-loards as they know that she would lay claim to a part of it, if not the whole of it. In 1808, Bahu Begum executed a will, making the British rulers de-facto as heir of the residue of her property, after reserving for her own purposes certain jagirs, pensions etc., but the British declared their intention of yielding the inheritance to the Nawab Vizir of Avadh, Saadat Ali Khan. In 1823 Bahu Begam revoked her will and executed a “deed of deposit making the then Nawab Vizir, Ghazi-ud-din. Haider, her hair. On her death in 1815, property value at about a crore of rupees was made over to the Nawab on his paying into the Company’s treasury about 57 lakhs of rupees the interest on the latter being earmarked (under the terms of the deed) for the payment of certain pensions. Thee pensions are now known as the amanat wasikas (trust pensions). There were certain other Jagirs and Pensions knows as the Zamanat Wasikas (Security Pensions) payable form the Aavadh treasury. But in the case of diminution or resumpation of the Avadh Exchequer, the amount was to be made good from the residue of the Begums property with the consent of the English overlords. Bahu Begums property with the consent of the English overloards. Bahu Begum was 80 when she died. She passed the whole of her long life in splendour and state of well-being and was a woman of her long life in splendor in and state and was a woman of great distinction and rank, bearing and dignity. As Hoey has observed in his Memoirs”, no one woman in all the thirty-two Subahs can be held up in thee days as he rival in either the grandeur of her surroundings or the respect she could command. When at the zenith of her glory, she had ten thousand troops, horse and foot, scores of elephants and countless horses. The people who earned their bread directly or indirectly through her bounty must have been more than a hundred thousand and all felt as happy and secure as though they were in a mother’s arms. Shuja-ud-daula owed much to this remarkable woman. She was an Iranian lady and he married her in 1743, contrary to his own inclinations but in obedience to the will of the Emperor Muhammad Shah. This marriage proved unhappy for many years but an incident testifying to her generosity and affection called forth his gratitude and established her unalterably in his confidence. After his defeat at Buxor he had to pay a war indemnity of 50 lakhs of rupees and, failing to obtain money from his mother, it is said that he turned to his wife, who handed over to him her money, jewels and valuables. Most of the Muslim buildings of Faizabad and the Fort near the bridge of boats (formerly known as Chhotaa Calcutta) are attributed to her. From the date of Bahu Begum’ death in 1815 AD till the annexation of Avadh, the city of Faizabad gradually fell into decay.
In 1855 a serious conflict broke-out between the Vairagis and the Muslims at the site of Hanumangarhi in Ayodhya, both claiming it to be place of worship connected with their respective religions. King Wazid Ali Shah is said to have appointed a committee to investigate this matter which held a public meeting in Gulab Bari. It appears that among those assembled no one testified to the existence of the mosque. Therefore the committee unanimously decided the issue in favour of the Vairagis. When the report of the committee reached Lucknow, it caused a sensation among the Muslims. A Council of Action was formed of which Maulvi Amir Ali of Amethi ws elected leader. He was staying at Suhali and succeeded in attracting a large number of followers. On learning this the Vairagis started arrangements for the defence of the place. Wazid Ali Shah them ordered a regiment to guard it. At last on November 7, 1855, Maulvi Amir Ali started for Rudauli with his followers. On refusing to retrace his steps when ordered to do so by Captain Barlow, a fight ensued in which he and most of his followers were killed.
“The Annexation of Avah and the struggle of 1857” :
In February, 1856, Avadh was annexed by the British Government and Faizabad made the headquarters of a district and a division, a former extending as far South as the Gomti. Tahsil and police stations were established and summary settlement of land revenue was underataken. Summing up the revenue measures undertaken in Faizabad during the summary settlement, Henry Lawrence, in his letter dated April 18, 1857, wrote. “The Taluqadars have, I fear, been hardly dealt with, atleast, in the Faizabad Division, some have lost all.” Demolition of forts and other hasty legislations caused a general affray as early as August 26, 1856 wrote to George Cooper, Secretary to the Chief Commissioner”. These contumacies have been committed in the Fyzabad Division only. But it not a light thing that our authority has been in a measure so repeatedly defied and acts of lawless violence that have been brought to light, have occurred in the same quarter of this province which convince me of the necessity of adopting some early measures to display our power, and prove to the proud Barons in Sultanpur, and Fyzabad, that our authority is not to be set at nought with impunity. I regret to state that the omissions of the local authorities in the Fyzabad Division compel me to represent that proper measures to repress turbulence, and a rebellious spirit have not been adopted.
It was in these circumstances that Maulvi Ahmad Ullah Shah, who had been expelled from Lucknow, reached Faizabad in January 1857, where he appeared to have gained considerable popularity. On February 16th at sunset, Lieutenant Thurburn (the special assistant in charge of the city) was informed by the ‘Kotwal’ that a Fakir with his followers was in the ‘Serai’ of the town, that crowds were visiting him and that there was an evident intention on the part of the Fakir to start a riot and cause dissension among the people. Thurburn immediately set our for the scene of disturbance accompanied by the ‘Kotwal’ and four or five burkundazes (matchlockmen) and ordered the Maulvi and his followers to surrender their arms assuring him that the arms would be returned if he departed from the city. The fakir retorted that he could not and would not give up his arms as he had received them from the pir (spiritual guide). Neither could Forbes, the Deputy Commissioner, who visited him on February 17, persuade his to surrender – Military and was summoned but though the Maulvi and his followers fought desperately they were arrested and placed under military guard. The Indian sepoys, however, had full sympathy with him and he was provided with all comforts in the Jail”.
At the end of May, 1857, the Garrison of Faizabad consisted of a large force of Indian troops comprising the 22nd Bengal Infantry under Colonel Lennox, the 6th Oudh Irregular Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel O Brien, a squadron of the 15th Irregular Cavalry, a battery of horse artillery under Major Mills and a Company of the 7th Bengal Artillery. The European Officers were under no delusions as to the probability of the outbreak, and preparations were made in May to organize a scheme of defense by collecting stores and fortifying the house of Thurburn, the Assistant Commissioner. The British expected that the Zamindars and pensioners would lend their assistance to them and this belief was encouraged by the offer of an asylum by Raja Man Singh, Thakur Raghunath Kunwar, Mir Dawar Hussain and Nadir Shah. Similar offer was made by the ‘Mahants’ of Hanumangarhi, who from the first exerted themselves to keep their troops ready. But the British soon found that the assistance of the Zamindars was not to be relied upon as they were unfit to resist the disciplined and well equipped Avadh forces. In these circumstances the British tried to send their families to Lucknow but when this proved impossible, owing to the uprising in Daryabad district, they were sent to Shahaganj at the beginning of June where Raja Man Singh gave them shelter.
Meanwhile the Sepoys had already reached Faizabad from Azamgarh, Jaunpur and Varanasi. They are said to have received a message from the King of Delhi to the effect that he had possession of the whole country and summoning them to rally round his standard. The Sepoys contented that they were strong enough to turn the British out of the country and intended to do so and the 15th Irregular Cavalry left no means untried to induce the other regiments to kill their officers. The open struggle against the British commenced form the night of June 8. However some Sepoys of the Artillery (the 22nd Native Infantry and the 6th Irregular Infantry) refused to injure the Europeans and even gave them money and assisted them in procuring a few boats to proceed down the Ghagra”.
They first plundered the treasury of nearly two and quarter lakhs of rupees and then followed the usual practice of realizing the prisoners form Jail, one of whom was Maulvi Ahmad Ullah Shah who came to be known as Maulvi of Faizabad. The main leaders were the resalders of the 5th Trooops 15th Irregular Cavalry and Daleep Singh, Subedar of the 22nd Infantry, a Chauhan Rajput of Baragaon in the Faizabad district. They selected the Maulvi as their leader and marched towards Lucknow, the Government of Faizabad being entrusted to Raja Man Singh. A battle was fought off Chinhat where the British forces were completely routed.
The sepoys held sway in the town of Faizabad and the local Chieftains and talukadars found themselves in a state of practical independence, particularly Man Singh, who forthwith recovered his lost possessions ad resumed his former position of importance. His attitude was doubtful and he tried to be friendly with both sides.
Other Talukadars, almost without exception, espoused the cause of the Sepoys. This was notably the case with the Palwars of Birhar, the Bachhgotis of Hasanpur, Ram Sarup of Khapradeeh, Taffazzul Husain of Sammanpur and the Bhale Sultans. The only exception was Raja Rustam. Rustam Sah, the Rajkumar Chieftains of dera. The others notably the Chauhans, whose stronghold was the fort of Ghatampur near Baragaon, joined actively against the British. The Naurahi, the European fugitives from Faizabad were robbed by Udit Narain Singh the eldest son of Mahip Narain of Chandipur. Further down the river at Chahora they were again stopped by Madho Prasad Singh of Haswar, who afterwards took up arms against the British.
The Talukadars of Faizabad, like those of other places, extended their full support to the Avadh durbar, from its very establishment to the final restoration of British Authority in Avadh and some of them even took the field in person.
Man Singh reached Luknow in August 1857, and the terms offered by him to the Avadh durbar were accepted. His matchlochmen were not active in the attack on the Residency where he tenaciously resisted the on-slaught of General Neill who was killed in the encounter. Man Singh himself being wounded in two places.
Mahdi Husain was appointed Nazim of Sultanpur by the Avadh durbar and he appointed Tahsildars and Sazawals in the territories under him. Saiyid Ghulam Husain was appointed Chakledar of Aldemau. Ismail Khan was his deputy. From Shahazadpur the latter planned attacks on the neighbouring estern district which was supported by may Talukadars, including the Rajkumars Amresh Singh and Chandresh Singh (under the leadership of Madho Prasad and Kisan Prasad) who espoused the caluse of the Avadh durbar. A large umber of villagers were also most zealous in their support. In the first week of October, 1857, an attack on Jaunpur was planned bny Mehdi Husain who raised 12000 new troops which were joined by many villagers. Meanwhile orders were received from the Avadh durbar that as soon as Jai Lal Singh son of Ghalib Jang, Nazib of Azamgarh and Jaunpur reached Faizabad, the Sultanpur and Gorakhpur nazims were also to join him in an attack on Azamgarh and Jaunpur. Mansab Ali of Sarai Mir (Distt. Azmgarh) who was appointed commandant of the regiment,reached Kataria with Beni Madho of Atrauli and a large force. A workshop was also established at Firozabad to repair heavy guns. A number of important centers were thus established throughout Faizabad by the forces of Avadh durbar.
Faizabad remained completely independent till the end of January 1858. but Maharana Jang Bahadur of Nepal, an ally of the British, having occupied Gorakhpur on January 6, 1858, with his forces marched towards Faizabad on February 14 and reached Berari on the Ghagrah in the Basti district. Five days later General Rowcroft, who had come up the river from Bihar with the Pearl Naval Brigade, some Nepales troops and four guns, arrived within four miles of Berari on the 19th and the next day he was joined by a Nepalses brigade. He was then ordered to bring up his boats to Phulpur (near Tanda), and hearing that this places was occupied by the forces of the Avadh durbar, he attacked them and captured three of their guns. Thus Jang Bahadur was able to cross into Avadh, leaving Rowcroft in command at Gorakhpur. Two days prior to Rowcroft’s arrival at Berari, Captain Sotheby, who was escorting the boats up the river, had captured the well protected Palwar stronghold of Chandipur in the extreme east of the district, this being the first military action that took place in Faizabad since the outbreak of the struggle. Maharaja Jung Bahadur marched from Phulpur towards Sultanpur through the district, storming the small but strong fort of Bihrozpur (near Akbarpur) which was bravely held by 34 men of Umresh Singh who were all killed. Thus the British secured the road as far as the Gomti and Rowcroft, who remained to the North of the Ghagra, advanced as far west as Amarha (in Basti) only eight miles from Ayodhya.
Man Singh actually retired to Shahganj in February 1858. he continued to negotiate with the Avadh Durbar, but he was required by them to support their cause personally. He could therefore, no longer afford to play a dual role and on March 10, 1858, he tendered his submission to the British and was allowed to return home on agreeing that he would report to them at Lucknow within ten days.” However, before he could proceed he was besieged by the Avadh forces in his fort at Shahganj. Strong and vigilant pickets were established by he Avadh forces on the river Ghaghra, opposite Ayodhya. Though Rowcroft remained at Amarha, the Avadh forces began to muster their strength in their camp at Behra. The eastern part of the Faizabad district was entirely under the influence of Palwars and of Kunwar Singh of Bihar, who was approaching with volunteers from eastern region of Varanasi, Ghazipur, Ballia, Buxor and Rohtas districts and from Pargana Katehar many young and old Raghuvanshy settlers of Ayodhya, notably from the first family of Katehar’s Sees Chand, his descendant Jaipal Singh, along with a cousin from Chhayee patti (whose names later, were deleted conspicuously by their sons and grand -sons at the time of the revenue settlement records of 1883-84 and different names were substituted in order to avoid confiscation of Zamindari rights from their children). And in all records, including the Gaya’s pandas records by their grand sons the people performing pind-dan to their ancestors subterfuge by, giving their great-grandfather’s name instead of usually the grand fathers and father’s names, while identifying themselves) on March 29, 1858. Lugaard left Lucknow for Azamgarh by way of Sultanpur and Kunwar singh had to retire, leading the untrained Rajput volunteers of eastern districts, southwards in the direction of Ghazipur. This, however, did not weaken the position of the Avadh forces in Faizabad and Rowcroft was thrown back from Amroha and had to withdraw to Captainganj.
After the battle of Nawabganj in June, 1858, Hope Grant proceeded to the relief of Man Singh who was still besieged in his fort by a Strong Avadh force of about 20,000 people. By the end of July the Avadh forces abandoned the siege and left Shahganj. They divided themselves into three parties, one joined Begam Hazrat Mahal in Gonda, another went to Sultanpur and the third to Tanda, Tanda, Jalalpur and Akbarpur continued to remain the strong center of Avadh forces. On October 11, Hope Grant marched from Lucknow and proceeded towards Tanda and three days later he reached Akbarpur. On the same day Colonel Simson and Major Raikes reached Jalalpur. Cononel Payne reached Silka and Man Singh Bhadesa. The British forces held the line from Sultanpur (through Pratapgarh) to Allahabad and also from Sultanpur north to Faizabad to prevent the Avadh forces from entering the Sultanpur-Faizabad line into the Azamgarh district. Campbell began his operations by strengthening the Sultanpur position and detached Hope Grant, so that he could co-operate with a column advancing under Kelly from Azamgarh into Faizabad. Kelly was able to secure Akbarpur then Tanda, where he halted on October 30, to guard Combell’s eastward flank during the ensuring operations. Raikers came upon some 4000 Avadh forces in the act of crossing the Tons river, but they retired into a jungle and their chief (Fazl-i-Ali) was able to escape without being captured. Hope Grant returned to Sultanpur on October 23. Kelly was left incharge of Faizabad and was made responsible for the territory between Tanda and Sultanpur”. On the other flanks also, the British were making headway.
After Beni Modho’s escape from the fort of Shankarpur, his troop were driven northwards across the Ghagra though the West of these districts. Hope Grant followed in pursuit and reached Faizabad where 4300 men were collected under Colonel Taylor. The Avadh forces were entrenched beyond the Ghagra. The British effected the crossing on November 27, by a bridge constructed under long-range fire by Captain Nicholson and drove their opponents in Gonda”. On December 5 Campbell started from Lucknow with a very strong infantry divison, a cavalry brigade and some 14 guns en route to Faizabad by way of Nawabganj (Barabanki). Gradually by the end of the month, the entire district submitted to the superior military of the British.
Continuing in Book V
Along with the circumstances and compulsions of Jaipal Singh to join in the conflict of 1857, and why the same was kept as a secret by his grand- son till he himself died on 6th December 1944 at the age of 105 years.
The same is described in outlines in the website called :
www.amartyramongpwwbks.com
and may have to wait publication,till the time of the second edition of the book,owing to the manuscript being misplaced in Varanasi or Kaithi
libraries of Sees Chand Mansion and R.M.House,which is regretted by the author.
Similarly,the 1840 Sazra of the 1st House of Katehar in Xerox also has to be included in the next edition,after confirmation from the large household members,now in the 22nd generation,as to their wishes of doing so,as it could ,easily create some controversies as regards the shares in Kaithi-khewat.
Penned down the above paras while correcting the book for printing/publication,this day on 30th of April,2009,in Kharghar,Navi-Mumbai-410210,by the author,S.P.Singh,Chartered Engineer(London),Marine Chief Engineer,1st Class(combine)
The story of Sees Chand Mansion and of Plebeians who would be Kings
The Hindu nationalists consider the 1857 mutiny or insurgency as the first war for freedom, although every mutinous sepoy from Meerut in May 1857 or 1,39,000 minus only 7796 sepoys of the largest modern Army in Asia, the Bengal Army joined by the entire population, as the inspiration touched a popular crescendo, declared Bhadhur Shah Zafar, the last Moguls emperor as their leader, and emperor. Zafar was powerless to resist being made the leader. Leader of an army of unpaid peasantry and officer less and haphazard soldiers. And while Hindus regard their martyrs who died for the idea of freedom from the foreign yoke, but in and around Delhi it was more of religion, looked upon as a defensive act of rebellion against the work of missionaries of Christianity as well as a generalized fight against foreign domination and the move of the company (E.I.C.) to impose Christian laws in India. The sepoys declared before the emperor on 11th may 1857 we have joined hands to protect our religion and our faith in chandni chowk they asked, Brothers ;are you with those of the faith?. “During the uprising, it is note worthy, the British who had converted to Islam were not molested; but Indians converted to Christianity were mowed- down, being referred to as ‘Kafirs’ (Infidels) and ‘Nasrani’ (Christians). “Although the great majority of sepoys were Hindus, in Delhi a flag of jihad was raised in the principal mosque” and the insurgents were often found calling themselves mujahideen, ghazis and jihadies. And after the initial bravado of the seize when majority had departed from the scene being hungry and getting despised, the remainder were out and out jihadis , including a regiment of “Suicide ghazis” from gwalior who had vowed never to eat again and to fight until they met death- “ for those who have come to die have no need for food “. Closing of urdu madras by the British was one of their grievance. What the news work of Willian Dalrymple’s stories contain shows the Rising of 1857, is a chain of human event, dramatic, arbitrary, accidental and tragic to resurrect the ordinary individuals whose fate is caught up by chance in one of the great up heavals of history. It is through the story of the successes and struggles of the individuals that can bridge the chasm of the time and understanding separating us from the remarkably different world of our ancestors of six to seven generations ago. Duncan ha finished the permanent settlement in Banaras on the lines of Bengal and given the lease to Babu Shivratan Singh of the house of Sees Chand of Katehar in Kaithi and peaceful by any contemporary standards in the villages, the pargana and in the 1st House of Raghuvanshies of Katehar. With ‘Amils’ melting away and officials in the forms of ‘Qanungos’ directly under the ‘Collector’ taking- over, the struggle against the wily Raja was over, So it was time to put more and more of ‘Deeh’ and ‘Damar’ and untilled portions of 2292 Bigha to put under cultivation. Then why the only son of Shiv Ratan Singh of Aarrah to proceed towards Lucknow, by way of Azamgarh?. His father was already very old, or may be dead by then, as his three uncles were also very much junior to him, being contemporary of his son Ram Sunder Singh. There was no reason for a man of fifty-five or sixty to leave home and go fighting. Was there unrest at home/ was his spouse no more and the dowager princess Hansa kunwar, wife of his son, too dominating for his liking , to make an excuse for leaving home and joint the fighting forces. This is because of the fate of the 1st House of Raghuvanshies to be blessed by domineering head of the inner house- hold; like my own mother and grand mother. Hansa Kunwar was so domerineering that Babu Ganga Prasad Singh had to take her to courts for his share from her for partition of residential plot no 1328 in 1901.But she was surely no more by 1904, when her son Bharat Singh took up the cause of appeal to the case. Having given birth to Bharat Singh who died at 110 in 1944 or so, she must have been around 35 in 1857, when Jaipal Singh her father-in-law, went to join Kunwar Singh in the 1st war of independence. Kaithi was secluded from three sides by two rivers and connected by a dirt road to Varanasi, 27 kilometer and Ghazipur, 50 kilometer away and unless Janak Rai is Chet Singh of Katehar involved in the conspiracy collecting 34000 soldiers under Raja Chet Singh of Ramnagar, to abduct Warren Hastings, it was pretty far away from the turmoil’s and Chaos of polities of the day and even a word of the popular uprising of 1857 getting there was obscure. Then how did Jaipal Singh and his cousins from ‘Chhayee’ Patti got together to become unlikely martyrs of the uprising ?.
Perhaps the news of the uprising spread far too well by word of mouth, in the era of minimal mass communication, than what means are today, like we can not comprehend today. The suffocation of foreign domination of a different kind (Having different skin) was overwhelming and up to the neck. The stories told by my father’s cousins who was born in same house seemed wild and clueless when there was no commitment from us to the family and it’s history of any sort. But recently when visiting my widowed sister born in 1925 that is before the demolition of the old house of Sees Chand in 1932 or so, she related of the first floor and the attic of the old house and unknowingly confirmed what kaka had mentioned for the occasion of rebuilding of the old house and efforts being made to collect the barrels of the muzzle- loading guns as many a twenty in the drain out- let of the court- yard of women’s quarter, where they were dumped for hiding after the mutiny was crushed or may he soon after the news of death of Jaipal Singh was heard or felt by the community on withdrawal of Babu Kunwar Singh and his return to Bihar with the story of his failure and sacrificing his wounded arm to mother Ganges at the ripe age of seventy.
On the death of her illustrious and famous husband at the age of 91, my sister was left alone in her Lucknow residence, everyone having gone to Sohna, expect myself to keep her company, began to reminisce about life in Kaithi and she was one of rarest persons, other than our only living aunt, to have seen and lived in perhaps the original version of the house of Sees Chand, although four hundred years then is too long for a Kachchi- “Bakhari” ( no not exactly a Haveli which would be a bit of high faluting description of the fairly large house of Sees Chand, as the income from 2292 Bighas of Kaithi was not matching to be able to build something akin to a grand ‘Haveli’of a prosperous Zamindar of Bengal in the literary works of the nineteenth century ) to have lasted without one or two more demolitions in between . Alas! No on kept a record neither did the great sage of the house- hold confide in anyone. He was very vocal and adamant against its demolition on the keen desire of Collector Moss and his deputy Ram Rup Singh. He must have been born in the particular version of the house of Sees Chand. Perhaps his father(who went away, leaving his family, for a cause of the survival of the family, by saving the landed property from the British raj) and his grand father the cause celebre’ of the hide and seek and speaking only half truths for a maha- yogi, who was claimed to have never spoken a lie in all his 110 years was also born in that house and he must have loved that missing-in- action grand father and his deeds that he kept under covers, the genealogical table of its true identity even from the cousins in the family. As Ram Rup Singh would always say “ We are the most prominent family of Katehar “ (not exactly knowing its meaning of what he has said in deeper sense) so Bharat Singh without the help of the G. table (kept in hiding with him) enforced his prominence through the force of his personality and grandeur and of course the ‘Karma’ as the best agriculturist in entire Katehar. And as per my eldest sister there were secrets in the at attic of that old Bakhari, th match- locks and the lazzims, where the children and women were not allowed to dwell. So.it must have been an object of anxiety for the grand old man as a to what to do with those artifacts of the past. Although as per my Kakaji , the solution came in as quickly to get rid of all those vulnerable things to the security of the family, and to the newly found status of the family house of a brilliant and titled Civil Servant of the British raj, by simply dumping it overnight in a deep well on the “Kot ” of the earlier settlers the famous Seories (who had given the rightful possession to Sees Chand and his two brother to settle in lieu of their non agriculture settlement without any sanction from Raja Banar of the Gaharwars)across the road from the house of Sees Chand so well placed for dumping activities in the dark of the night. This came as a well founded confirmation from the horses mouth as the phrase goes of the stories of the match-locks and muzzle-loaders of the brotherhood of Raghuvanshies of Katehar by the agents of Johnathan Duncan , the British Agent sent for permanent settlement by Governor General in Council (They were willing and anxious to maintain the corporate nature of their zamindari over Katehar and not in the form of individual leases of land under the individual cultivation or occupancy ). Those were the ancient arms and armaments which was counted by Aiene Akhari as maintaining 500 horses and 4000 foot- soldiers by the Raghuvanshies of Katehar (Rajputs) and 1932 saw the end to all that talk of what was Ayodhya and its Sun- Dyansty and of Doman Deo and the pristine glory of Katehar, where the mighty Suri King Sher Shah served for fifteen years (1501-1515) in the stable of Doman Deo to submission and acceptance of global civility and service to the rulers, British or world- wide administrative or economic in nature.
Had it not been for the alluvial action of the river Gomati on 07.09.1980, throwing away our 626.04 acres of riverine and prime agricultural holding across the Gomati in one single stroke 0f the meandering river to straighten her knot and confirm to the total length of the meander of her travel, which was upset in the previous year in Jaunpur and had increase by two to three kilometers in total lenth of the meander of river Gomati. This was corrected in one single stroke of the gorging river on 07.09.80 by breaking the narrowest strip of the land across the ‘Sihore’ Khan in the alluvial area of Kaithi, simply leaving aside two kilometers of her stream from that point to the old confluence near village Patna and our non revenue (Na- Chiragi Mauza)village ‘NAKHANWA’, with the Ganges which created a great hue and cry in the press on the statement of Collector Subodh Nath Jha of Ghazipur district, calling this a justice of nature, that the old injustice of 1840 was corrected, when about 500 acres of villages Kusanhi and Kharauna had accrued to village Kaithi ( under the alluvial and dilluvial regulation 11 of the Bengal Alluvial regulation Act of 1911). When he said he knew this would happen, Then Thakur Ram Rup Singh asked him whether this was in his horoscope as well.? Then when he further asked Thakur Ram Rup Singh to give it away to him(i.e. to his district) the reply came that Jha being from Mhithila (the birthplace of Sita- Ram’s consort )and we being the Raghuvanshies of Ayodhya, the giving should be on his part , that is on the part of Jha and certainly not from Ram Rup Singh a Raghuvanhies. Come to think of it 1840 was the year when Ram Sunder Singh must have been twenty five years old (see the table of Sees Chand’s descendants, counting backward from Ram Rup Singh being twenty five years old in 1925) and Jaipal Singh 50yeaqrs old, when the Gomati was made to shift by the order of the Kina Ram Baaba of Ramgarh (Saying “Gomati Go back –Gomati peechhe hat’’)and a few hundered acres of alluvial land had accrued to Jaipal Singh and Ram Sunder Singh – including 17+8.5 lathas of mazkoor tari and was recorded in the name of Ram Sunder Singh in 1840 and as zamindar in1882-83 quinquennial settlement of village Kaithi of Katehar pargana. So Mr Jha referred to that as a natural injustice to the district of his charge a hundred and forty years ago, when he spoke immediately after the cataclysm of 07.09.80 to the press and wrote to the Government also. And there on it become a question of one-upmanship between S.P Singh of Kaithi and SriS.N Jha of the I.A.S. erstwhile Collector Ghazipur, more of which in “Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial ‘Mahal’ of Kaithi ,” coming out simultaneously after this narration but as I said in the beginning of the para had it not been for the alluvial action of river Gomati, that I would have taken such great interest of the permanent settlement of Jonathan Duncan and the five hundred years old settlement of the Raghuvanshies and my deep interest in the story of the house of Sees Chand, where I too was born.
So back to Jaipal Singh in 1840. The landed gentry of the first house of Katehar had become richer by another thousand acres of reverine land and obviously higher placed zamindars and small rajas came forward to offer their daughters to the of young Raghuvanshies of Katehar’s prime & pristine village. And Jaipal Singh’s son was married to the dowager princess Hansa Kunwar, the prime mover or the Karta woman (Sita & Draupadi are mentioned as Karta women of Ramayana and ‘Mahabharat’ episodes) who, I seem convinced was the cause of Jaipal Singh leaving the house of Sees Chand at the ripe old age of 57, in order to join Veer Senani Kunwar Singh of Aarrah in their own revolt of 1857, gaining ground upto Azamgarh before their hasty retreat, owing to reinforcement of the British from Lawrence and Faizabad / Lucknow one has to go very deeply and in the minute details as regards as to what happened in precise order with exact dates and things of reinforcement, attacks, counter-attacks withdrawals retreats and annihilation and complete routs. I surely place confidence in the coming generation of the Raghuvanshies to rake-up details of Kunwar Singh command and find mention of men like Jaipal Singh of the Raghuvanshees who volunteered to take up arms against the British in 1857, and change the lives of his son / forced to leave house before the next (1882-83) settlement and for his grandson, the Sage-like Bharat Singh to hide the G. Table of first house of Katehar, in order to Safe-guard the service of his Civilian grand son.) Here I am only too happy to have reinforced the 1857 martydom of my direct ancestor in an ICHR paper read by me 25 years ago. Perhaps Jaipal Singh was looking for an identity for himself and for the House of Sees Chand where he was born and had spent many years of his life, incognito and in obscure wilderness, and to be of the ruling dynasty of Ayodhya ,no less. He had an opportunity to be different, which could also, perhaps, provide a distinct identity to the first house of Katehar, something akin to Sees Chand’s cousin Doman Deo, who had Sher Shah as a servant in his stable. This then was the great chance that the providence had offered. Beside it was also a chance to escape the domineering and perhaps even a haggling daughter-in-law Hansa Kunwar but perhaps only, just and marginally so. He was surely a hero’s material inside, who would come out of the realm of the ordinary, but alas for the same forsake a sage like son and grand son who decided to cross the centuries of their own lives and put under wraps the deed of heroism of their immediate ancestor for the sake of their own survival. What was undone by both Ram Sunder Singh and Bharat Singh to the heroic act of Jaipal Singh should be brought out of hiding and declared as a glorious chapter of the first House of Katehar and another unknown and unsung chapter of the 1st Struggle of Independence,beginning in May 1857.
The uprising, otherwise ended the debauchery and corrupt rule of the John company and the Queen of England became the Empress of India. The Brits there so overjoyed that they gave the siege of the Lucknow Residency a Status higher than the Battle of Waterloo (1815). The ruins of the Residency were allowed to fly the union Jack for 24 Hrs.( and not only from dawn to dusk ) till the Independence Day in 1947.
There were disciplined and responsible people who rebelled thinking very reasonably that the ways of the British was wholly wrong. Take for example the case of Mangal Pandey who merely sought redressal of the grievances of the sepoys by the East India Company and also some dignity to his self respect by his employers. His action was to seek publicity of the importance of the Indian Sepoy’s; who would just carry-on giving in to the wild ways of haughty superiority of the white skin. The Sepoy’s were caught in a desperate situation and Mangal Pandey was there voice against tyranny. There were similar instance in Meerut & Kanpur , there was total mistrust between the whites and the blacks. Tensions were rising by the hour and only the smartest General could use diplomatic and two-talking emissaries to keep the Sepoy’s calm. There was the case of abuse of justice which provoked a situation like a drunken officers (Christie) taking a pot-short on an Indian Cavalryman and being released for being drunk. That set the Sepoy’s rise in the revolt, soon after the verdict on Christie. Then the case of British’s hiding from attackers being found-out and of the verge of being massacred asking for truce to reach Allahabad Fort by the boats. But their grand style of transfer from the hiding place to the river, including arms and ammunition, treasure and all there personal effects carried on elephants, horses and camels and in palanquins. To the Indian’s this was too much and was like rubbing salt in their hurt in hearts and wounds on their bodies. The rebels took hold of the boats and as the boat man jumped-off to swim away ashore the Brits opened- fire inviting the rebels to Counter to end the sordid story of the survivors because of the fool-hardy shooting action of their own trigger happy soldiers and dud-officers ,unable to contain them in time .
There are almirahs full of evidence in Archives all over the Country, but it was ignored and even suppressed as in the case of Jaipal Singh of the 1st House of Katehar which was kept under cover by his own grand-son, the Mahayogi Bharat Singh between 1857 and 6th December 1944 (when he died with the secret buried in his heart). But generally there was no cause- celebre for keeping the stories under the wraps or not investigated, like the 1857 account by a learned intellectual an Indian ‘Aalin’ who suffered at the hands of the British Barbarians in the Celluar Jail of Andamans and the stories upon stories are related in short but absorbing “Light and Sound” show every evening. Suffering of the ‘Aalin’ was written on scraps of paper by Charcoal (for ink) and cleverly smuggled-out from the jail to await India’s independence for translation from original Arabic to Urdu. But not much credence was given to the first hand account of the torture and Cruelty in the Cellular jails. 2007 perhaps is the right time to give it proper reorganization. After all why was there a revolt against the British and men like Jaipal Singh scion of the highly respected first family of Raghuvanshies of Katehar, generally well-off and properly settled since 1485 (or so) in the same village, had to leave home and revolt against the British rule by proxy (the John company (EIC)) ruling in the name of Great Britain (till 1958). There are many accounts from the Victorians British but very few from the Indians who really lost their hearts also in the bargain and just kept num thereafter.
Maulana Fazhu Hug Khairahadi writes in ‘India Rises in Revolt’ this agonizing story is caused by British hearts becoming full of hatred and rancour against the Indian’s whose land they had subjugated but whose pride they had been unable to crush. They look for the ways to humiliate Indians so that there would never be any question of any head being raised in dissent or disagreement.
All inhabitants of India whether rich or poor, high or low, wanderers or citizens, urban or local were to be converted to Christianity because they (the British) thought that Indians would get no support and could be forced to become subservient and obey all commands.
“Once Indians abjured their religions and converted to the faith of their British rulers, they would loose all differences of rank and station amongst themselves and be equally subservient towards the rulers and never disobey any command”.
“All kind of deceit and tricks were used by the British to achieve this end of subverting local religions and promoting the spread of Christianity schools were established in cities and rural areas for children’s and the ignorant where their own (English) languages, culture and religion were promoted and traditional Indian learning scoffed at and derided. All traditional institution for learning were ignored for grants and attempts made to wipe them out.
The second trick was to cut off the links between the cultivator of food grains and the consumer. All food grain was bought from the producer for cash. The cultivator had no control over either distribution or prices. All were thus at the mercy of the British for even food and had to submit to their will if they wanted to continue to live.
Many other tricks were tried to rupture the links people had with their traditions. Muslim were dissuaded from continuing the practice of male circumcision and respectable women’s were persuaded to give up the veil.
The British decided by a beginning they made with converting the Indian soldiers serving under their flag. These Sepoy’s , Sipaahees or soldiers, were largely Hindu, Muslim were fewer in number. The British thought that once the brave soldiers abjured their religion and become Christian their standing in their respective communities and the fear and awe they would inspire would make the rest weakly follow suit. They try to make all Hindu soldiers taste a fat of cow and Muslim soldiers taste the fat of pig.
“This dastardly act caused frenzied reaction in the soldiers. They refused to obey their officers. Some went on a rampage and killed their Commanders. A few went to the extent of slaughtering women and children to earn the condemnation of all. This has analyzed the cause to some extent in cities of Delhi, Lucknow, Bareilly and Sahjahanabad and the smallest towns to deep lying villages between Lucknow and Patna wore the brunt of arson and pillage not different than before since the return of the militia.
It began in 1757
A bad time in the history of the great country (what I used to call as “Haven half-done” in reply to the British para-phrasing of their “glorious country”) actually began with Robert Clive a clerk in the John company getting the better of Sirajuddowlah at Plassey because of the betrayal of Diwan Raja Durlabhram Bose-son who offered to mitigate Mir Bakhshi Mir Jaafar (the army commander and pay-master) Murshidahad. Consequently, actually three out of four division of the Army of Sirajuddowlah did not partake in the battle of Plassey. Only Mir Madan leading the cavalry wing fought. He personally led the charge on the artillery of the East India Company and was woefully dead by a cannon-ball, when on the verge of victory ending the glory and riches of Bengal turning into an epithet of poverty.
Mir Madan died on June 23rd 1757 at Palashee or Plassey and his grave was recently visited by the west Bengal Governor Sri Gopal Gandhi who asked the ASI for better maintenance. Should not the Government of India and Ms. Ambika Soni support the State Government in creating a suitable memorial to the General?
The British are doing it for John Nicholson killed in September 1857 in Shahajahanabad to visit the site in India. I have offered to Ms. Ambika Soni to provide basic facilities for interested people to visit the house of Sees Chand in Kaithi, Katehar, Varanasi (where the great martyr of 1857 Jaipal Singh was born and lived his fifty-seven years before leaving to fight alongside Kunwar Singh in Azamgarh) for those coming to Varanasi in the year 2007 and 2008; being the 150th anniversary of the 1857-uprising.
And continued in 1806
It was May, the month of May 1806 when the Vellore uprising against the British took place. The revolt was of several battalion of the Madras Army of John Company. There was a general protest against introducing a new type of leather hat and also an order prohibiting use of cast-marks by soldiers which was an article of faith in one’s religion. When the rebellion was put down 350 Indian troops were mowed-down. It took another half century to perpetuate unashamed looting and shaming of Begum Hazarat Mahal by Warren Hasting and demand of royalty and unprincipled enhancement of cess on faithfull allies like Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh that the people of North India realized to the rapacious reality of the presence of the British and the great Indian uprising started on May 10th, 1857.
Babu Kunwar Singh – Tegva Bahadur
APRIL 23rd-Victory-day of KUNWAR SINGH
JAIPAL SINGH from the House of SEES CHAND in Kaithi, Katehar, joins company of,
Babu Kunwar Singh – Tegva Bahadur.
23rd April is celebrated in parts of Bihar as the victory day of Kunwar Singh, who is a living legend in the folk-lores and folk songs in large rural belts of east U.P. and Bihar. His area of influence was not limited to Arrah only, but was far and wide and had the effect of “terrorizing” the British East India Company upto Kanpur. There is no official document on his movements and marching of his forces, as the British were demoralized by his sudden charges in most unlikely places. Many brave hearts joined him wherever he passed-by forever swelling his armed-forces of untrained masses, all the time,with the passage of time. He was ably and just as bravely assisted by his younger brother Amar Singh, and consequently the command of forces, looking for an occasion to punish the white invaders, came in Amar Singh’s hands after the death of Kunwar Singh in April 1858.Amar Singh, thereafter adopted the tactics of guerilla warfare against the well-organised Company’s troops.
How Kunwar Singh joined the rebellions is not quite clear and neither has there been enough research on the original and the documentary evidence on the archives of the EIC, the East India Company’s officials of the sub-divisions ,and in the district head-quarters and at the Divisional Commissioner’s records of that time. Nishan Singh’s evidence, recorded much later, can be described as close to truth, but not as total and complete in itself.
Kunwar Singh may have joined the rebellious soldiers of Danapur Cantonment, an important military establishment near Patna, after 25th July 1857,who were in need of a leader and Kunwar Singh’s liaison with them resulted in turning the trained and uniformed soldiers westwards and have a rendezvous with Kunwar Singh in the night of 26th/27th July,1857.There had been an under-current of simmering discontent in Bihar for sometime, now and the British taxation of revenue-rents and cess on both the landed-gentry and the ryotts were harsh and back-breaking. Both classes had become bankrupt and financially ruined to turn sour against the white-skinned self-appointed adjudicators and administrators of the local problems, as well as over-lording the populace with further harsh measures, bringing about further financial stringencies, to them.
During such scenes of hardships, Babu Kunwar Singh’s pow-wow with a nasty british divisional commissioner exacting a severe and further back-breaking cess imposed locally by the Commissioner, without the usual consent of the Board of Revenue at Calcutta and passage of the enhancement orders through the council of the Governor-General for final consent and Order of the same, before being implemented on ryotts, became the proverbial last straw on Babu Kunwar Singh’s conscience against tolerating any further the whole lot of corrupt East India Company’s officials from the Governor-General on the top to the young sub-divisional magistrates, locally. And a battle ensued as a last resort against tyranny of the white intruders from both the zamindars and the peasantry alike as a cohesive force, otherwise always at daggers drawn.
This conflict presented Kunwar Singh, the seventy years old zamindar an occasion to express his own resentments against the Commissioner with judicious leadership to all and a personal spirit of a fierce freedom fighter, always leading the forces under his command, bravely and astutely like a trained soldier, moving to every corner of the skirmishes of his men and appear in a spot suddenly as a surprise element to fox the trained soldiers under the British.The gathering of unlikely fighting forces fought so well that of the four hundred strong force under Capt. Danbar starting from Arrah on 29th July,1857,only fifty could escape annihilation. Divisional Commissioner Taylor, in Patna was quite aghast, and it was arranged to call Artillery Commander Vincent Ayyar, stationed at Buxor to Arrah. So the tides turned and by 2nd/3rd August, Kunwar Singh had lost the battle of Beebiganj and Arrah, eventually fell in the hands of the Company. The Europeans in the custody of Kunwar Singh remained unmolested and unharmed and for which Babu kunwar Singh earned much praise from the British.
After loosing at Beebiganj, Kunwar Singh retreated to Jagdishpur, his ancestral home-town. All the while he was hotly persued by Vincent Ayyar where they clashed once more, in August itself and Kunwar Singh was defeated again. He had to leave Jagdishpur to take shelter in the foothills of Rohtas, Instead of bending down to superior forces or the old age of his own. He was not yet a spent force and had some more fight left in him. He planned to proceed to central India, leaving a strong contingent under his younger brother, Amar Singh.
At this stage there are varying views on Kunwar Singh’s expeditionary forces traveling outside Bihar. S.N.Sen thinks he proceeded to Mirzapur on leaving Rohtas and parts of Rewa, which had recorded his presence, as threatening, to themselves. By and by, his comrades left him and he felt he could not take-on the Raja of Rewa (a British lackey) and decided to turn towards Banda, where he was given the offer to join forces with Nana Saheb or the Gwalior contingent. In fact,on invitations from both the freedom fighters, he was to partake in the Kanpur attack. If we go by the statements of Nishan Singh, Kunwar Singh did participate in Kanpur skirmishes and after the reverses of Tatya Tope in Kanpur, he did not join the Marathas (who left for Kalpi),but preferred to proceed to Lucknow. There he was welcomed by Wali who ordered him to proceed to Azamgarh. In Azamgarh, he had captured Azamgarh by March 1858. But tides were turning and the confidence of the British forces was now on the ascendancy,after the fall of Lucknow, Azamgarh, too, was soon recaptured by them.
Under the circumstances, Kunwar singh was left with no option, but to head for Bihar and while crossing the Ganges at Shivpur ghats(banks) a stray bullet fired by a british soldier hit his right arm. The brave old chief decided to give an offering to the mother Ganges and severed his wounded arm and gave it to the mother with due reverence. He was to come across stiff resistance in his last journey too. Legrand in-charge of Arrah Garrison attacked the wounded warrior, but lost badly and was killed on the 23rd of April,1858.Kunwar Singh recaptured his fiefdom of Jagdishpur and was hailed as the victorious chief of the first struggle for Independence and thus came about his end on the 24th of April 1858.Eversince,the 23rd of April is commemorated as the Victory-Day of
Kunwar Singh.
Historians seem to agree on one thing that Kunwar Singh was one such rebellion who did not wait for the british-led forces to attack, first, but took initiative on his own to pin-point the chink in the armour of the brits and there-on attack and annihilate the enemy. He was a leader who did not confine himself to known surroundings, but ventured-out and tasted victory gaining praise from the local commanders, while many others were too timid to leave their own back-yards. Britishers held him in an awe for these fighting qualities in him and the prowess acquitted by him in the 1857-uprising,till 24th of April 1858.The popular leader is immortalized in the folk-lores and folk-songs by the populace of that area even today. In one sonnet he is described as the master of the art of swordsmanship, in the following way.
Bangala pe udela abir ho lala, bangala pe udela abir,
Ho Babu,aho Babu Kunwar Singh Tegwa Bahadur,
Bangla pe udela abir.
While Kunwar Singh ventured outside Bihar, his younger brother Amar Singh carried on a war of attrition on the british bully, in power through various deceits. After the fall of Jagdishpur to General Ayer, Amar Singh hid himself in the Camoor hills and operated a guerilla war-fare with the enemy. He cut –off communication lines between Gaya and Sasaram. The peasantry had decided in favour of the rebels in the entire Sahabad district, which added greatly to the anxieties of the Commissioner in Patna. A bounty of Rs.2000/- was announced for the capture of Amar Singh. But least deterred by such announcements of the British, he challenged them further by cutting down the telegraph-line at Kudra on the G.T.Road on the 16th of September.
On demise of Kunwar Singh, on the 24th of April,1858,Amar Singh took charge of the command of the rebellious forces. Englishmen were much concerned about their dwindling fortunes after the disastrous end of Capt. Le-Grand. In May General Lugard arrived from Azamgarh and proceeded to completely destroy and demolish Jagdishpur and was planning to burn down the entire forestry surrounding Jagdishpur, but by then Amar Singh had brought enforcement from across the Ganges from Gahmar in Ghazipur, under the command of Maighar Singh of the Sakarwars, by June and once again Shahabad came under the rebellions control and the rebellion contingent started to govern the district with the help of Hare Krishna Singh. Bounties were announced on English officers and on the heads of the Britisher’s agent as well, and they were punished duly.
Leaving big places like Arrah, Ramgarh and Chausa, small police stations were threatened by the rebellions and their in-charges were fleeing from their posts. Divisions were renamed on villages names ,e.g.: Chauganyee and Karisath.The new commander of the British forces Douglas took charge in October 1858 and began the exercise of crushing the rebellions by seeking them out of their hidden places. This kept Amar Singh on the move continually, although he was to take over as the Commander-in –chief of the rebellious forces after Nana Saheb left for Nepal in October 1859,but the Rana of Nepal siding the British had him arrested in December and was lodged in the Gorakhpur jail where he succumbed to illness on the 5th of February 1860.There is a folk-lore about the two heroes of Jagdishpur, thus.-
Tab le Amar Singh bole ka, sun bhaiyya meri bat,
Baithal bhaiyya paan chabao, main angrej ko dekhunga.
The JAIPAL SINGH connection:
It is entirely a guess work, specially after the destruction of his recent records by the mischievous Chaubeys by throwing it in the Gomti, Banshi Kavi, our family bard had maintained a hush-hush all along these years, as did my great grand-father. But my Kaka and my eldest sister, now 85 ventured to relate some loose tales of about twenty muskets being found in the drainage system, in the inner court-yard of Sees Chand Mansion ‘s older version on being demolished at the behest of Ghazipur Collector Mr.Moss, in 1928 to give way to a pucca haveli in it’s place, after Thakur Ram Rup Singh had joined the Civil Services at Ghazipur under Moss. All the above paraphernalia including Lazims and jhals for soldierly exercises of the locals were dumped in the well that had existed since the times of earlier settlers, the seories. All this exercise was to cover-up any trace of rebellion from this village, as a gentleman from the first house (primus inter pares) had gone and joined the rebellious forces of Kunwar Singh and had perished there-by or may have even joined the brother, later-on. And, instead perished in the Gorakhpur jail having been intercepted by the forces of Rana Jung Bahadur of Nepal, come to Terai to help the British. This could be established on scrutiny of the papers of Nishan Singh’s statements about the movements of Kunwar Sing and the list of his associates and the entire regimentation of civilians. There was another Raghuvanshy brave from the Chhayee in the same village who had accompanied Jaipal Singh to leave the village for the same purpose, by name of Gurubaksh Singh. Someone has to take-on from here to establish the names of the two martyrs from Kaithi, Katehar. After a lapse of 125 years, I was able to establish the martyrdom of at least Jaipal Singh and read a paper in the 43rd History conference in 1982, through researches in Gaya’s Panda’s (Kankata panda) archives, our Sazra and the women folk’s recital for ancestor’s blessings for the newly born, in a ritual known as “purakha-jagana” (from Madan Chand to Rishabh Deo Singh, during my son’s birth) My efforts to have it registered in UP Govt’s. Records were undone by a jealous clerk in the Varanasi-collectorate, specially being a Rajput himself, he just would’nt send it to the government in Lucknow.
To,
M/s. Ambika Soni
Hon’ble Minister for Culture & Tourism,
Government of India
NEW DELHI - 11001
Re.: Monuments connected with 1857 Uprising.
Ref.: Rajya Sabha question of M.P. Sri Mahendra Mohan assured of your goodselves interest, as well as seeking State Govts. Co-Operation towards the said movement maintenance and of providing basic amenities for tourists.
Respected Sir,
I am lagging behind, owing to my sailing schedules, in completing the mention of the 1857 martyr in my own family viz. Jaipal Singh grand-father of my great grand father Bharat Singh of Kaithi, Pargana Katehar, in my book “Plebeins who would be Kings”, which I consider putting on the internet, as its publication on its own may not happen in three or four years. People may like to grill me on authenticity on the website which I can reply as and when, in the year 2007 itself.
2. In fact, I have already read a paper in 43rd History Congress in Kurukshetra University in Dec. 1982 entitled – “the role of not so - small cultivators of Eastern U.P. in the nationalist movement of 1857 (the first war of independence)
or
the first known oppressive measurement of Queen Victoria’s Government (in India) against the local leader of 1857 mutiny / rebellion.
The above paper details the participation of Jaipal Singh of Kaithi (Katehar) alongside Veer Senani kunwar Singh of Arrah in 1857 / 58 in Azamgarh etc., from where they were repulsed by the British forces.
3. The fact was kept under covers by Mahayogi Bharat Singh between 1857-58 and 6th Dec. 1944 when he died, and the whole world nearly forgot about his genealogical table, while three generations were poisoned in quick succession between 1944-52, and virtual migration of the main family took place to Nainital, when Rai saheb Ram Rup Singh of the first family of Katehar Raghuvanshies decided to settles his sons and nephews in Nainital, the undersigned rebelled and went back to Kaithi, where he found the family treasure in the form of the genealogical table of the 1st House of the Raghuvanshies of Katehar, as far back as at the turn of the fourteenth to fifteenth century and had the ‘Sazara’ or the genealogical table repaired by the state Archeological Survey, which was required for donation to the Govt.s’ archives - copies of Ltrs. And table enclosed.
4. My book deals in details as to why Mahayogi Bharat Singh thought it necessary to keep such important document under covers. Briefly to save his Zamindari in 1882-83, settlement of landed property and next, 1924 onwards to save the Civil Service achievement of his grand-son, who would have been dismissed on disclosure of the name of his great, great grand father, the rebellion of 1857 Vir Jaipal Singh (who was renamed in revenue papers after his son Ram Sunder Singh was reported as “Makhbudul Khaber” (whereabouts not known), for saving, himself the disgrace of lying about the name of his father). Although his son, the great Mahayogi Bharat Singh, felt no qualms in eschewing the mention of his grand-father Jaipal Singh and instead named his great grand father (Shiv Ratan Sing) as ‘Dada’ instead of Baba (both can be used for grand father, but Dada quite often, in Eastern U.P. is great grand father)
on page 130 of Kankata Panda’s account of Raghuvanshies of Katehar (annexure 3-a) visiting for Pind-dan in Gaya.
5. Although I close the account of the ‘Plebeians’ on 28.06.1952, when my father died of poisoning and the entire family shifted to Manakapur House in Naintal, I did return to refurbish and renovate the “Sees Chand Mansion” and it was revived after a gap of twenty years, and became one of he oldest known living edifices any where, in a new version (1933) of the old double story Kutchha with brick supported walls on the outside, where the unknown martyr of 1857 Jaipal Singh was born around 1800 and who left this house at the age of 57 so to join Kunwar Singh in order to show courage to dismiss the presence of the John Company and white skinned invaders on our sacred land, as our self styled masters. The house is well lived in and has about 10 Biswas open land on east and south (Where I want to raise the ‘Hall of Fame of Katehar Raghuvanshies”), with wide berth between the pucca road and the house, on its western side including Sahan and Chabutara (Set back for the House itself)
6. The eastern Bada or courtyard can be turned into guest-rooms for providing basic amenities for the tourists from world-over, who would like to see the abode of an unknown martyr (and made known through insight in revenue papers and genealogical table and Panda’s Bahi in Gaya) and a house giving shelter to 21 generations of the first family of Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
PRAYER
The State Archeological Survey Deptt., the Divisional Commissioner of Varanasi, along with his subordinates, the officer of the Deptt. Of Tourisum, can visit and summon myself for queries and confirmations of my tale and assertions about the martyrdom of Jaipal Singh, papers for which I am submitting to the Hon’ble Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for his orders and your advise.
Thanking you,
Yours obediently,
(Suresh Pratap Singh)
Charter Engineer (London)
Marine Chief Engineer,
Sri Amitabh Bachchan ji
Jalsa
Juhu- Tara Road
Juhu
MUMBAI- 400049
“ Picturisation of Jaipal Singh’s Martyrdom in 1857”
I have completed a book on the first House of Katehar, where the 1857 martyr Jaipal Singh from the “House of Sees Chand” has found a mention, once again, after a paper was read in the 43rd History congress of 1982, on the process of locating his sacrifice for the country, which was kept under covers by his own grand-son the sage and mahayogi Bharat Singh, for reasons enumerated in a letter to Ms. Ambica Soni, Minister of Culture in G.O.I. on 6/12/06 and 25.12.06 briefly (enclosed) and detailed in the book called the “plebeians who would be kings”, the story of the Raghuvanshi kings of Ayodhays, shifted to Katehar and DOBHI by the overlord of Kashi, Kannauj and Ayodhya at the end of twelvth century, the well-know historical figure Jaichandra- the adversary of mighty Prithviraj Chauhan and the abductor of his daughter Sanyukta. He simple married-off his grnand-neice, Bindumati, daughter of Raja Banar of Banaras and tucked- (King Naindeo)-away to safety- the enfeebled descendants of Raghu and Bhagwan Ram, in deep jungles of pargana Katehar lying sixteen miles north-east of the town, to save them from being slain by zehadies like GHZZI MIAN (SAIYAD SALAR).
Although a junior Cousin had Sher-Shah Suri in his stable for fifteen years from 1501 to 1515 (ICHR PAPER, 1979,Mumbai “Sher Shah in the Court of Doman Deo”), the senior most House of Sees Chand lived frugali and unnoticed, except for their genealogical table found in 1978 and when women sang songs naming the ancestors at the birth of my son, it was found that one name was suppressed and removed from Revenue Records and even from the’ Bahi’ of Gaya’s pandas that of Jaipal Singh and then I could establish as to why it was so. Because he was a ‘Baghi’ of 1857, along with a cousin in the same village and that could have meant demolition of zamindari rights of his descendants in 1882-84 settlement of the house of Sees Chand as well as sacking of his great grand-son from the Civil Services of Britishraj, much later.
Now I have written about him and just thought that it would be a good idea and timely so, for you to act as Jaipal Singh who left Kaithi to join Veer Senani Kunwar Singh at the age of 57, perhaps owing to the strong personality of his daughter-in-law, the dowager princes Hansa Kunwar, who could be potrayed by equally beautiful Aishwarya Rai and the “Mukhhoobul khaber” – zamindar of Kaithi, Ram Sunder Singh, father of the sage Bharat Singh, by your handsome son. Please to peruse
www.1857-amartyramongpks.com , for detailed information and with the request to kindly give my suggestion ,a thought at your end and oblige.
(Suresh pratap Singh)
Forthcoming Books from the author of “the plebeians who would be the kings”.
"Suresh Pratap Singh,Kaithi,Katehar"
1.Cornwallis revised by Ram Rup Singh in the alluvial ‘Mahaal’ of Kaithi.
There have been some brilliant revenue administrators in north India since the days of Akbar the great, like his own minister Raja Todar mal and about the same time, Sher Shah the Suri emperor himself. Later on Lord Cornwallis of East India Company was blessed with Jonnathan Duncan, who did brilliant settlement operations in Bengal and Bihar,before being sent to do the settlement in the ninety-four parganas of Benares between 1789 and 1793,at first on a quinquennial basis, which, later turned into permanent. But it was done in such a haste that many inaccuracies accompanied it. At the same time it was not done on the basis of revenue villages but its main basis was “mahaal” which consisted of either a full villages(revenue or otherwise) or even parts of some villages, like the alluvial areas formed settlement of a few adjoining villages,which may be falling in different districts. Thus separate maps of the settlement of a village were made ,that of the high-lands and those of the riverine and alluvial areas, which were bound to shift with the change of the meander of the river every monsoon. Under Bengal Alluvial Regulations there were sections for the changing pattern of the realization of the revenue cess, as the position may settle just before 15th of December, every year. And there was a provision for quinquennial settlements every five years.
In Kaithi the change of course of river Gomti in 1980 created much problem after 626.04acres of the village land went on the other side of the river and the district magistrate and the collector of the other side insisted, as per the Bengal Alluvia Regulation(which was not deleted as such) that the entire block of the shifted land ,now attached to their side of villages has become a part and parcel of his district,he wrote to the State government in Lucknow.
Anyway, in the history of revenue law making, the Uttar Pradesh government had defined the “Village” for the first time under section 3(25) of the UP ZA & LR Act and it said that what belonged to the tenents and cultivators of Village Kaithi on the day of vesting(of the Zamindari rights of former Zamindars in the State of Uttar Pradesh)i.e. on 1.07.1952,shall belong to Village Kaithi ,in perpetuity.
It was a tough fight for the Kaithi tenents.and on 13.01.1981,the revenue secretary passed orders as per the new act, passed by the Assembly. The brilliance of Thakur Ram Rup Singhji with his vast experience in the work of settlement was able to turn the tide on the collector across the river and against the Bengal Alluvial Regulations laid down by the hard work of Duncan as ordered by Cornwallis.
I intend publishing the entire story of how we achieved this result, through the various GOs of the government from that of Dashrath Singh’s and G.C. Chaturvedi’s in 1954 to that of Sri Athar Hussain in 1971,as a future guidance for the Kaithi cultivators as well as for the UP government’s revenue officials as well as for the Board of Revenue who seldom come across such tricky situation for their peaceful confabulations between them and not allow the conflict to turn ugly for lack of proper guidelines.
2.Dredging of the Ganga as a panacea against recurring floods,shifting streams and navigational –difficulties.
The author has worked for several years with the”Dredging Corporation of India” and wrote a paper for formulating a Bill in the Parliament,which was moved by Sri Rajesh Pilot and passed by the House, and eventually the “Inland Waterways Authority of India” was formed. Even when he was in the DCI, he suggested, on the basis of work being done by him for the Corporation, to Sri Rajiv Gandhi ways and means to control the fury of floods, specially of the Ganga(as declared by the Parliament as No.1 waterway project to be undertaken by the newly formed Authority and particularly the means of controlling the massive amount of silt coming down stream all the way from the Himalayas.
However, the author was able to convince Sri Rajnath Singh a local man become the Shipping Minister ,of starting the work of Dredging on the Ganga ,in a meeting with him in February 2000. And by May the same year the dredging work commenced in Kaithi, inaugurated by the Minister, himself.
Then came about the hurdles, administrative hurdles, regional hurdles and many other types of hurdles, which resulted in shutting- down the work of dredging in Kaithi and on the Ganga as Mr. Nair declared that Ganga was a dead river. The next minister said(as tutored by the officials of the Authority) that there was no water in the Ganga west of Patna and sent me rushing down to the Planning Commission to see Sri K.C.Pant,in order to call the bluff of Sri Hukum Deo Narain.I wrote to the PM and thank God Sri Yadav was shifted to agriculture.
There is a lot of correspondence and assurances from chief secretaries, but nothing ever materialized .There were always queries from the central minister Sri Murli Manohar Joshi to extend the navigational facility upto Allahabad,as per the Bill of the Parliament, but soon enough the Authority closed down their office in Allahabad once BJP was out of office at the Centre.
Joining the rivers of the south and the north is a dream of Capt.Dastur and it involves such large sums of resources, without matching returns that it will always remain a pipe-dream. Where as in Rajasthan people in the villages have done indigenous dredging and building check-dams to store water for bathing, drinking and small cultivation and the local collectors have exhorted them and offered official help too. There is the community of the mallahs who are experts in bandalling , channelising and silt control. The Authority has become too authoritative and can approach the ministers to dictate their terms for their convenient location for the project-people,which automatically excludes the Ganga. Even bureaucrats wield pressure on the minister on behalf of technocrats who are operating on regionalism as their priority and till yesterday wanted to stay south.
This has to be straightened-out and the flood’s fury of the Ganga has to be tamed and the river made navigable,year-round,even when Mr.Joshi and myself are not around.
Good news is the effect of my missives on Sri Bagga and Akhand Pratap that they undertook the dredging of the Gomti in Lucknow and used the muck and the silt for building up the two banks height,without bringing earth-work from elsewhere and paying for it.
3.Shipping Scene,today.
There is a blog running and if I am stuck in Mumbai a little longer, the material may eventually come out on the blog itself for compiling it into a book. The whole thing is quite revolutionary, specially as owing to my first association with Shipping, five decades ago and the new trend of quick buck, everywhere, today and the gaping difference in the attitude and outlook about earning an honest buck and living in style and peacefully as against the rat-race of the present days and it stirs me to speak-out of the pain of the seamen, inflicted on him by both the ship-owner and the government in nexus with the shipping Cos. agents It seems the office of the D.G. Shipping is made to support the immoral acts of the ship-owner against the seaman and surely in the long run agaist the ex-chequer . Only an investigating journalist can show it to the media and the public, that aspect of corruption. However, I am not concerning that as my business as I am not trained to be investigative work. I can only speak boldly and frankly of the maladies of the quick buck theory against all morality, which has harmed me and scores of suffering seamen on the world-trade, with documents to prove my points.
How would it sound that the owners plan to sink their ships to earn from the insurance of dead seamen and other items to enhance their property by buying a newer ship with bigger tonnage and higher earning capacity?
How would it sound that when faced by the need to shell-out dollars in wages, they stoop-down to having the seaman arrested by the local police and in European atmosphere, the Owner’s representative himself gets arrested ,if the agent is an honest bloke. They pay only if you are able to extract the wages before leaving the ship, but never after you have left the ship. Then it is distributed among the officals and clerks of the DG and the Shipping Master’s office. That is indicated by the fact that even IAS level officers get involved as shown by the RTI reports. And some RTIs don’t ever come the Shipping Master sending reminders after reminders to the Shipping Company, to the questions that they themselves ought to reply.
The seaman is on the receiving end all the time and from every quarter. The latest addition are the “next to God for a seaman-the Govt. Ship and Engine Surveyors ”They are racking their brains in trying their best to be equal to administrative officer of the Govt. of India, e.g. ;additional secretaries, joint secretaries and deputy secretaries to the Govt. of India and are behaving like big shots, while the scene is turning murkier as they are becoming haughty,arrogant,misbehaved, day by day.otherwise even vindictive,if their sense of one-upmanship is hurt Anyway,they go all out for the kill regardless of any morality and human decency,let alone the officer-like qualities for which they must have been allotted marks in their respective training institutions.I am still trying not to expose them, but it is not only a question of dignity but also a question of survival of the fittest and also a matter of the need to nip their attitude of arrogance and child-like behaviour of one-upmanship in the bud .The Shipping ministry thinks the DG is enough to take care of the matter, but DG never takes any interest as they think they are in Mumbai to inculcate good relations with the ship-owners and not for the redressal of sea-farers grievances..
Even if I am satisfied with the action of the ministry and the DG,in their conduct of dealing with the seaman in a proper manner, the stories of the degradation of the ship-owners is worth relating,in which the DG ‘s underlings are again involved So what to do. Wait for a supari and ask for protection from Sri Chidambaram.
4.Katehar ke Raghuvanashi – Ekal Hindu Samrat. (in Hindi).
This is a Hindi version of the first book the plebeians and has become necessary owing to the uproar of my country cousins against their story in english,which they claim they don’t understand, which is not true It is only that do not want to make an effort in reading English, unless they bloody well have to. And they have no compulsions. So it is me who has to do as they say .In fact I had already done so on the sad demise of Shivaji,after he insisted in a Shringar of Saabha Baba that I must write in Hindi as well,just a few days before his ghastly accident.Not to mind the pretentious ,pompous and highfalutin title of the book ,which is more or less a translation of the title of the book in English on the same subject with the reservation s of Dr. Karan Singh,that as to who would be interested in reading about your family(which he agreed, may also include him).In fact, I have cut-down on the family-dose to minimal on his advise and have put an emphasis on the social and a comparison of the then village life and the city-life,which prospered on the yields of the villages,with proper data of the yields acrage and variety of crops,there-in,apart from tracing history of Varanasi and Ayodhya from the time the Raghuvanshies migrated from Ayodhya to Varanasi in 1194AD,just to feel what our ancestors went through.They came-out quite unscathed,thank you.However,I want to indulge in proper story-telling and all the gossip-mongering,in my mother tongue and at ease and may even exclude the historical caricature of the medieval era,which anyone can find in history books,except for substantiating the title of the book.
I advise anyone interested in the Raghuvanshies should read my blog on Raghuvanshies of Katehar.
Suresh Pratap Singh
At Navi Mumbai
25.05.2009
The blog:Raghuvanshies of Katehar,the plebeian kings—1194AD onwards…
WEBSITE OF THIS BOOK-www.1857-amartyramongpwwbks.com
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